Viral TikTok video causes Italy to reckon with racism

A “culture of impunity” towards discrimination and the country’s failure to come to terms with its colonial past has fuelled racism, say experts.

Mahnoor Euceph was travelling on a train in Italy’s Milan when she suddenly noticed a group of women making fun of her boyfriend and his mother.

The American tourist filmed the incident on her phone and then published it on TikTok, where the clip soon went viral. 

“I was on the train from Lake Como to Milan on April 16th with my half-Chinese boyfriend, his Chinese mom, and his white dad. I am Pakistani. We are all American,” she wrote on the social media platform.

“I noticed these girls sitting across from us staring me down and laughing and speaking Italian. At first, I ignored it. Then I stared back at them,” she continued. 

Euceph says she then took a nap but when she woke up, the women had not stopped staring. 

“I asked them, ‘Is there a problem?’ They said, ‘No, there isn’t a problem’. At that point, they started saying ‘Ni hao (hello in Mandarin)!’ in an obnoxious, racist, loud voice, along with other things in Italian I couldn’t understand.”

Euceph said their taunts grew more aggressive until she took her phone and started filming. After that they slightly toned it down. 

“Never in my life have I experienced such blatant racism. My boyfriend said the same thing,” she wrote, adding other Asian friends had reached out to her, sharing similar experiences of racism in Italy and Europe.

The video has fuelled an ongoing national conversation on racism within Italy, with its society becoming increasingly multicultural in recent years, especially in the biggest cities.

How common are episodes of racism in Italy?

Episodes of racism are quite common in Italy, often sparking widespread public condemnation in their aftermath.

In February, during a popular music contest, volleyball player Paola Egonu, who was born in Italy to Nigerian parents, said the country is racist, “but it’s getting better“.

Only a few weeks ago, her optimism wasn’t shared by French former professional footballer Lilian Thuram, who told Italian TV channel La7 Italy is “much more racist than it used to be before this government was in power.” 

Thuram was talking about Giorgia Meloni’s right-wing coalition government, which won last year’s election.

Only last week, Turin filed 171 restraining orders against Juventus fans after they subjected rival football player Romelu Lukaku to racist chants.

However, the Italian government does not collect statistics about race and ethnicity, meaning there is less data on racism compared to other European countries. 

In 2021, some 60% of young people in Italy admitted to having some unconscious racist bias, as shown by a UNICEF poll. The survey also found that 74% of migrants interviewed by the agency reported had been subject to discrimination in Italy.

“There is a stronger awareness among recently settled communities and migrant communities about the growth, in the past two years, of episodes of daily racism,” Francesco Strazzari, professor in International Relations at the Pisa-based Scuola Universitaria Superiore Sant’Anna, told Euronews. 

These incidents can be subtle, like a person subtly clutching their bag when they see a Black or Brown person entering a shop, or evident verbal and physical abuse.

“There have been recent episodes of totally gratuitous violence by far-right groups that intimidated migrants, and episodes of apparently unrelated street violence which still targeted migrants,” Strazzari said. 

“There was a case in Rome of a Roma mother carrying a baby, and the baby was harmed by someone passing by and shooting. And in these cases, it’s hard to clearly determine whether it’s a racist act or not.”

According to Strazzari, a culture of impunity has developed alongside recent racist episodes in Italy. 

There is racism that comes in the form of “public behaviour which hides behind mass behaviour or anonymity,” he said. 

The racist chant of Juventus fans against Lukaku is one example, while social media is flooded with “cynical comments written under a false name” every time a migrant boat sinks in the Mediterranean, he adds.

“These are… very widespread or common forms of racism that you see in Italy, which are not sanctioned in any way,” Strazzari said. “And this culture of impunity, I think, legitimates the fact that there are more intangible forms in daily life which escape the attention of the daily citizen, but shift the attention of those who experience them.”

One of the three women in Euceph’s video later reached out saying the situation had been misunderstood and their behaviour wasn’t racist. 

She apologised to her and her family, though the American tourist called it an attempt to manipulate the situation.

The ghost of Italy’s colonial past

Strazzari thinks Italy’s complex past and its official approach to history and identity impact debates around racism, as well as people’s attitudes. 

“Italy remains a country with a colonial past which was never properly addressed,” he said.

One of the worst massacres of the colonial period was committed by Italians in Ethiopia in February 1937, when an estimated 19,000 locals were murdered in what’s known as the Addis Ababa massacre. 

Italian forces in the East African country committed what would now be considered war crimes, including using chemical weapons. 

“Italy never formally apologised,” Strazzari said. “It’s important because Meloni visited Ethiopia recently.”

He pointed out that Rome had tried to reconcile with Ethiopia by returning the Obelisk of Axum, which was taken in 1937. 

While Italy’s President Oscar Luigi Scalfaro expressed displeasure and sorrow for the crimes perpetrated in Ethiopia during the war in 1997, there was never a formal apology.

The roots of racism in Italy are to be found in this unresolved past, Strazzari said. 

While Germany went through a process of scrutinising its history, values and identity after World War II, Italy “despite being another loser of the war, never had this kind of reckoning,” he said. 

“In Italy, there’s the beloved cliché that Italians are always ‘brava gente’ (good people) – who even during World War II or colonial times, were always animated by a sense of empathy.”

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Why can’t youths in Italy and Ireland afford to move out of home?

In this three-part series, Euronews investigates the reasons why young people in Ireland and Italy are struggling to get on the property ladder or afford rent amid the cost-of-living crisis.

Sophie is just one of 350,000 young adults in Ireland between the ages of 20-35 still living in her family home. Like many millennials in Ireland, the 28-year-old marketing executive from Galway is locked out of the housing market.

This problem is not unique to Ireland. According to Eurostat, approximately 67% of people aged 16-29 in Europe live at home with their parents or relatives. But for some, this is not a matter of choice.

Galway native Sophie told Euronews that rising inflation, coupled with the cost-of-living crisis, is largely to blame: “It’s so frustrating, I have a master’s degree, a good salary and like so many of my friends I’m saving to buy a house.

“But I had to move back in with Mum and Dad because I was struggling to save money, let alone pay rent. Even now it is going to take me forever to save a deposit,” she said.

Affordability is a major issue. Two years ago, for example, interest rates, particularly those set by the European Central Bank, were still at record lows.

 “But now we are now seeing situations where quarter upon quarter the ECB is increasing its interests rates by at least half of a base point” Ciarán Lynch, a former member of the Irish Parliament, told Euronews.

The Mortgage Crux

With average house prices in Ireland, 94% higher than those in other EU countries, Sophie’s situation is perhaps not surprising.

In order to be eligible for a mortgage in Ireland, first-time buyers are limited to a loan of four times their gross annual income. A prospective mortgage is also capped at 90 per cent of a property’s value.

However, house prices across the country have risen 537 per cent since 1988 and are not in line with today’s earnings.

According to recruitment solutions giant Morgan McKinley, professionals in Ireland take home an average salary of €45,000. However, the Irish Central Statistics Office (CSO) recently revealed that the average Irish house price is now a record-breaking €359,000.

So, for single-income, first-time buyers with a salary of €45,000, the maximum amount they can borrow is €180,000, which is slightly more than half of the average house price.

Ireland vs Italy

While house prices and rents are generally increasing across the European bloc, in some EU countries property prices have dropped in recent years. Italy, for example, experienced a boom until the financial crash in 2008 and then the cost of property steadily dropped. According to Eurostat, prices were eight per cent cheaper in 2022 compared to 2010.

While rents have increased in Italy, the differences are marginal compared to Estonia, Lithuania, or Ireland where the average monthly rent stood at €1,733 in December 2022, that’s 126% higher than the figures seen in 2011.

If house prices in Italy are more attractive to potential buyers, does this translate to higher levels of property ownership among young Italian adults? On the contrary, a higher percentage of young adults live at home with their parents in Italy than in Ireland.

So, what are the drivers behind this trend in both countries?

Ireland’s lack of supply

While median gross salaries in Ireland are considerably higher than in Italy, available homes are also few and far between on the Emerald Isle.

“In 2010, we had 24,000 rental properties advertised on Daft (Ireland’s top property site) on any one day of that year, compare this to recent figures when we had just 700 properties available right across the country,” said Mark Rose, the managing director of Rose Properties, Cork.

“So now we have approximately 3 per cent of what was available in 2010.  We need thousands of rental properties to be loaded onto the market today, tomorrow or as soon as possible. They are urgently, urgently needed,” Rose added.

The limited availability of properties is increasing demand and placing a serious strain on rents and potential buyers. 

Roy Dennehy, managing director of Dennehy Auctioneers, told Euronews: “The rental market in Ireland is totally and utterly dysfunctional. We put a house up to rent two weeks ago at 12:55 pm and by 13:20 pm we had 90 emails (enquiries).”

“We need thousands of apartments in cities to keep up with demand. However, Ireland is a victim of its own success. A lot of people want to come and live and work in this country and are attracted by the lifestyle, but our population is also growing and we can’t keep up,” Dennehy said.

The Central Statistics Office estimated that the population in Ireland increased by 88,800 persons from April 2021 – April 2022, the largest 12-month population increase since 2008. This is largely due to a 445 per cent surge in migration, and according to Dennehy, foreign direct investment is part of this trend. “Ninety per cent of the inquiries I am currently receiving for a new housing development in the town of Carrigaline, Cork, is from non-nationals, and ninety per cent of those again are non-EU”.

“The professionals coming here have good jobs, they are well paid and they love this country”.

But former deputy  Ciarán Lynch, who chaired the Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform in October 2012, said non-nationals with money to burn are also running into problems.

 “Foreign direct investment is a very, very significant part of the Irish economic model,” he said.

 “And job creation has become a problem because it’s not that the jobs aren’t there, but the houses aren’t actually there for the employees when they get those jobs.”

The Italian job

“Property might be cheaper in Italy but the problem lies with the country’s stagnant labour market,” said Mimmo Parisi, a sociology professor from the University of Mississippi, who is a senior adviser for European data science development.

Parisi told Euronews: “Everyone is looking for that dream job in Italy and professionals don’t move around much, once they find a dream position they stay, often for life. As a consequence, there are fewer job openings and it’s difficult for young adults to enter the job market”.

High unemployment among youths in Italy is a major factor. According to Italy’s national statistics institute, ISTAT, the unemployment rate for youths (aged 15-24) was 22.9 per cent in January 2023, nearly eight points higher than the EU average of 15.1 per cent.  As a consequence, young Italians are less financially independent.

“Add dubious work contracts, slow wage growth and low salaries to the mix and it is easy to see why young Italians are stuck at home despite falling house prices. It is also difficult for university graduates to secure relevant short-term work experience when the labour market works in the favour of an ageing workforce,” explained Parisi.

According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Italy is the only European country where wages fell between 1990 and 2020, all the other Member States experienced a rise with Lithuania leading the charge with a 276.3 per cent increase.

“Many students stay in university that bit longer when hunting for that dream job, which as we’ve learned is difficult to come by. This forces young adults to be more reliant on their parents until that happens,” Parisi said.

Banks place another obstacle in the way of young Italians. An Italian bank will not approve a mortgage without a permanent work contract otherwise known as ‘il contract contratto a tempo indeterminato’, which creates additional obstacles.

Stay tuned for the next article in this three-part series in the coming week.

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Not just Qatargate: Eva Kaili also faces probe into EU kickbacks scheme

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Qatargate aside, Eva Kaili is facing a world of pain for a different reason altogether. 

Documents seen by POLITICO reveal fresh details about a separate criminal investigation that the Greek EU lawmaker is facing regarding allegedly fraudulent payments involving four former assistants in the European Parliament from 2014 to 2020. 

The probe is looking at Kaili for three potential fraudulent activities: whether she misled Parliament about her assistants’ location and work activities; took a cut of their reimbursements for “fake” work trips she orchestrated; and also took kickbacks from part of their salaries, according to a letter from the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) to Parliament President Roberta Metsola, seen by POLITICO. 

Another Greek EU lawmaker, Maria Spyraki, has also been part of the same probe. Investigators accuse her of misleading the institution about her assistants’ activities and of telling them to file expenses for fake work trips. However, the documents do not allege that Spyraki took kickbacks from salaries or false reimbursements.

In total, investigators say Kaili owes the European Parliament “around €100,000,” according to a person familiar with the case.

The details offer the first real insight into the inquiry since it became public in December, only days after Kaili was put in jail under suspicion that she was involved in an even bigger scandal, Qatargate — the alleged bribery ring that prosecutors say involved countries such as Qatar and Morocco paying off European Parliament members.

And with all Qatargate suspects now out of detention, and no new arrests since February, attention is now shifting to the fraud case. MEPs in the Parliament’s legal affairs committee will discuss Kaili’s case behind closed doors for the first time on Tuesday. 

Kaili, who was moved to house arrest earlier this month, is currently fighting the prosecutor’s request to strip her immunity — a privilege afforded to EU lawmakers. But the EU prosecutor’s office, which investigates criminal fraud linked to EU funds, has argued its probe is on solid ground.

“The current investigation pertains to strong suspicions of repeated fraud and/or other serious irregularities,” European Chief Prosecutor Laura Kövesi said in the letter seen by POLITICO, which was sent to Parliament in December and requested both Kaili and Spyraki be stripped of their immunity. 

EPPO declined to comment on the case for this article. Kaili, through an attorney, said she has promised to pay back any money owed and to comply with any recommendations. Spyraki told POLITICO that her case has nothing to do with Kaili, and she confirmed she has never been accused of taking kickbacks.

“I have no dispute on the budget based on my responsibility as supervisor,” she said. “I have already paid the relevant amount and I have already asked the services to reassess my case financially.”

Kickbacks

The European prosecutor went public about the fraud inquiry on December 15, just days after Kaili had been arrested in Brussels in connection with Qatargate. 

The notice named both Kaili, who belonged to the center-left Socialists and Democrats grouping, and Spyraki, a former journalist and former spokesperson for the center-right Greek party New Democracy, which is affiliated with the large European People’s Party group in Brussels.

The announcement came the same day Kövesi sent her immunity-lifting request to Metsola. The documents also named four former staffers of Kaili and two former assistants to Spyraki as potentially participating in the different schemes. 

But officials publicly offered few specifics about the inquiry, only noting that it was unrelated to the Qatargate affair, which had also ensnared Kaili’s life partner Francesco Giorgi, as well as several other current and former EU lawmakers. 

Now the details are starting to emerge. 

According to the letter seen by POLITICO, the EPPO probe is examining both Kaili and Spyraki over irregularities regarding their assistants’ “physical presence at the place of employment” and “related European Parliament decisions on working time.”  

According to the same letter, another line of inquiry is “fake missions, submission of false supporting documents and undue reimbursement claims for missions expenses by the APAs on the request of Ms Kaili and Ms Spyraki.” APA is an acronym for accredited parliamentary assistant.

Eva Kaili poses for the “MEPs for #millennialvoices”campaign in 2016 | European Parliament

Kaili specifically is also under investigation for receiving “payback” from her assistants’ salaries and the falsified expenses.

The public prosecutor’s probe follows an investigation by the EU’s anti-fraud office, known as OLAF, which was completed on November 23 of last year. OLAF then transferred its case to EPPO, it said in a December statement.

OLAF said it would leave any follow-up to the public prosecutor’s office, declining to comment beyond its statement four months ago. 

Immunity fight

The EPPO case is also becoming entangled in the fight over whether to lift Kaili’s immunity.

Immunity is a special privilege MEPs enjoy that is intended to protect them from being arbitrarily prosecuted for what they say or do as EU lawmakers. It can be waived following a recommendation by the legal affairs committee and a vote by all MEPs.

Parliament is now starting that process for Kaili, having already kicked it off for Spyraki. MEPs will discuss Kaili’s immunity at the legal affairs committee gathering on Tuesday.

Investigators say Kaili owes the European Parliament “around €100,000” | European Parliament

Spyros Pappas, Kaili’s lawyer, argued that typically, such fraud cases are closed after OLAF finishes its probe — as it did with Kaili — with the lawmaker paying back whatever the office says is owed. He also questioned how officials could justify lifting immunity for actions that stretch back to 2014. 

“One cannot but question both the legality and the opportunity of the initiative taken by EPPO,” he said. “The answer can only be given by the General Court of Justice of the EU.”



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Anonymous births – Italy’s latest controversy

In Italy, a woman who — for whatever reason — decides she can’t take care of her baby can leave it in a safe haven baby box, in complete anonymity. 

It’s increasingly rare for Italian women to choose this option, but it still happens. 

Over Easter, one woman decided to anonymously drop her baby boy into such a box at one of Milan’s biggest hospitals, Policlinico di Milano.

Many would say the event should have been private, as the concept of anonymity suggests. 

But it wasn’t. 

Instead, the name of the boy — Enea — and the letter that his mother left him with, were passed to the media by doctors, who called for the mother to change her mind and take her baby back.

Quoting the mother’s words that she loved her boy, but couldn’t take care of him, TV presenter Ezio Greggio — a well-known figure in Italy — published a video on social media offering the woman financial help to not “abandon” her baby. 

“A baby needs her real mother,” he said, sparking a backlash from adoptive parents worldwide. 

The fierce debate that followed focused on what freedom Italian women have over their bodies and pregnancy, despite existing legislation supporting their autonomy, at least on paper. Many others were simply baffled by the fact that anonymous births and safe haven baby boxes still existed at all in their country.

How come anonymous births and safe haven baby boxes are still a thing in Italy?

“In Italy, there’s always been the possibility, regulated by law, for women to leave their babies in the hospital at the time of birth,” Elisabetta Canitano, a gynaecologist and president of the abortion rights NGO Vita di Donna, told Euronews.

“It can be done in two ways: either the mother goes to the hospital before the birth and lets them know that she wants to give birth anonymously and leave the baby there, or she can say she wants to give birth anonymously once she’s recovered.”

At that point, hospital staff and social services get in touch with an adoptive family who will stand ready to pick up the baby after a period of 10 days given to the mother to reconsider her choice. 

“We don’t have any use for a safe haven baby box, as you can see,” Canitano said. “Women who don’t wish to keep their babies can safely and anonymously leave them with the hospital staff. And there’s an abundance of people willing to adopt these babies.” And yet, those baby boxes still exist.

The practice goes back a long way. 

Women were allowed to anonymously drop off their babies for adoption in 13th century Italy, when it was considered scandalous to have a child out of wedlock. Women left their babies in the “ruota”, a rotating wheel embedded in the wall of a “foundling institute” – usually linked to the Catholic Church – which would deliver the baby directly inside the building. 

Foundling institutes were children’s homes which offered shelter and education to abandoned infants, most of whom were illegitimate. Until about the end of the 20th century, it was shameful for a woman to give birth out of wedlock, and giving away the child was the only, desperate option left to women who wanted to avoid being publicly shunned from society.

The practice of using the “wheel” was very much alive in the 1940s and 1950s, but gradually lost relevance as norms around religion and having children out of wedlock changed. 

In the 1970s, Italy legalised abortion and birth control, allowing women to have greater control over their bodies and decide whether to have a baby or not.

Though it remained legal for a woman to give birth anonymously and have the hospital staff sign her baby’s birth certificates under Italian law, the foundling homes, which had caused so much shame and despair to many Italian women through the centuries, were finally closed.

But the “ruota” remained in Italy. 

In 2006, Italy’s anti-abortion movement reintroduced a more modern version through the “Culla per la vita” (cradle for life) project – a series of safe haven baby boxes installed across hospitals throughout the country.

Is leaving your baby a common practice?

Not really. About 300 women give birth anonymously in Italy every year, according to estimates from the Italian Society of Neonatology, while the number of those using safe haven baby boxes is much lower.

Only three newborns, including Enea, have been left at the Clinica Mangiagalli baby box in Milan. The first was in 2012, the second in 2016 and the third in 2023.

The boxes themselves are heated, constantly monitored and 24/7. An alarm for doctors inside the hospital goes off the moment a baby is dropped inside. In Enea’s case, the alarm rang on Easter day at 11:40 am. 

How do Italians feel about it?

Safe haven boxes are hotly contested in Italy, especially between pro-abortion and anti-abortion groups.

“If you ask me, the problem is that we have this all-Mediterranean ambivalence towards these women,” Canitano said. 

“On the one hand, we know they have a right to give birth anonymously. On the other hand, we think that women shouldn’t leave their children to our institutions, because we judge them morally for it.”

“Cradle for life” is just “anti-abortion propaganda to tell women that they should keep their children,” she continued. “Instead of informing women about the option of giving birth anonymously in the hospital, these groups advertise the cradles for life.”

For Canitano, the safe haven baby boxes are symptomatic of difficult economic conditions. 

“They want us to have children when we’re poor, because women have lost so many jobs with the Jobs Act [a reform passed by Matteo Renzi’s government in 2014 aimed at making the labour market more flexible].” 

Without fixed-term contracts, it’s harder for Italian women to be into work while they’re pregnant, she added. 

“What do you do if you don’t have a job, or you don’t have a house? There’s this idea that you should have children when you’re living in misery. We don’t support women, but we want them to be mothers.”

On the other hand, anti-abortion groups and supporters claim a “Cradle for life” offers a much-needed alternative to women who want to carry out their pregnancy but are unable, for whatever reason, to take care of a baby, especially if feel uneasy communicating their decision to the hospital staff. 

Baby boxes are also a feasible solution to the problems of infanticide and child abandonment, they say. 

According to the latest estimates by the Italian NGO Friends of the Children, roughly 3,000 babies are abandoned in Italy every year, either left out in the streets, dumped in the bin, or even thrown out of windows. 

One reason why only a minority of women rely on their right to give birth anonymously is that many don’t know about it, while others fear causing an uproar like in the case of Enea, which shows stigma still exists towards mothers who put their children up for adoption in Italy.

“The media hype around the newborn surrendered to the cradle for life is proof that, in Italy, a woman’s right to choose for herself is significantly limited, even when they act within their legal rights and do something that normally should be praised,” journalist Jennifer Guerra told Euronews. 

“In Ezio Greggio’s words, as in the words of the doctors who intervened in the case, it transpires the idea that there’s an unbreakable bond between biological mother and child, a bond which is superior to any other circumstance […]. We don’t know the reason why this woman took that decision, even though everyone took for granted that she had financial difficulties.” 

She added: “Whatever her choice she would have made, we know it would have been stigmatised, disrespected and judged by the entire country.”

Like gynaecologist and NGO leader Canitano, Guerra thinks the story has been instrumentalised by anti-abortion groups to promote cradles for life as an alternative to abortion. 

But the whole issue of giving birth anonymously itself still creates controversy.

One of key issue identified by critics is that because it protects the anonymity of the mother, it prevents the child from accessing key medical information which could be lifesaving under certain circumstances.

Another issue is that the practice, as highlighted by researcher Valentina Colcelli, contradicts the Italian legal system, which gives a newborn the right to know their origin. 

The law currently recognises an “absolute” right to anonymity for the mother giving up her child.

The press team of the Policlinico di Milano declined to comment on the issue.



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‘Weapon of mass distraction’: What’s up with Italy’s oddball policies?

First came a controversial crackdown on rave parties. Then, a ban on the much-debated ChatGPT chatbot, the first of its kind across the world, followed by a ban on synthetic meat. Finally, a plan to issue hefty fines for using English words in official communications — which many people initially thought was an April Fool’s joke, but turned out to be real. 

After Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s right-wing government pushed forward a series of unlikely policies in the past few months, some people have been left scratching their heads wondering: what’s really going on with Italy’s leadership, and these oddball policies?

Francesco Strazzari, professor in International Relations at the Pisa-based Scuola Universitaria Superiore Sant’Anna, told Euronews that the recent wave of improbable legislation passed by Meloni’s government is “a weapon of mass distraction.”

As Italy faces serious issues which are currently shared with many European countries, like a lingering energy and cost-of-living crisis and a growing flow of migration to its southern shores, these somewhat petty legislative initiatives have the ability to spark endless debates on social media and among the Italian public – even if only to ridicule the government.

“Every time Meloni’s government is in a difficult moment, it comes up with controversial policies which have the power of deflecting attention from its poor performance and its disastrous policies,” Strazzari said.

What bigger issues hide behind these “shallow policies”?

When the Italian government passed a law banning illegal rave parties last November, it did so despite the fact there was no urgency for such a law, Strazzari told Euronews, as the issue didn’t pose an immediate challenge to the country and could have been solved in due time. 

“But there was a strong attempt to inflate the ban, in terms of public attention, in the face of looming danger — a new law surrounding the search and rescue missions in the Mediterranean, around which there were already strong arguments,” Strazzari said.

Shortly after the rave ban, Meloni’s government passed a law forbidding NGOs’ search and rescue ships from embarking on more than one operation at a time and forcing them to disembark in the harbours indicated by authorities, which Strazzari said they’re usually “very remote.” 

This decree-law, which significantly limits the operation capacity of NGOs’ search and rescue ships, has already caused tense situations in the Mediterranean between NGOs and Italian authorities.

The most recent policies surrounding ChatGPT, synthetic meat, and the use of English and foreign words in official communications came at a time when a very serious debate around the country’s prison system and sentences is unfolding in Italy, rekindled by inmate Alfredo Cospito’s hunger strike.

According to Strazzari, the harsh punishment imposed on Cospito, an Italian anarchist serving a strict prison regime usually reserved for mafia bosses, is “very controversial in terms of international norms, because in rule-of-law countries the severity of a sentence has to be measured in terms of time length, not imprisonment conditions.”

But instead of addressing complex, long-term challenges like the ones posed by Cospito’s hunger strike or migrant arrivals on the Italian shores, Meloni’s government has focused its legislative efforts on a series of policies “in the name of cultural nationalism, […] an idea of the nation as something that is not negotiable, that exists in purity in some idyllic past, against contamination from migrants, anarchists, and the food industry,” said Strazzari.

The debate around these nationalist policies once again works as a distraction from much more consequential — and controversial — new laws that Meloni’s government is trying to pass — like a bill criminalising surrogacy done abroad.

Last month, the Italian parliament started discussing a controversial law which would extend Italy’s long-standing surrogacy ban on couples travelling abroad for the procedure to countries like the US, Canada, and India. Under the proposed law, sponsored by Brothers of Italy and the League, those found seeking a surrogate mother for their babies abroad could be imprisoned for a time between three months and two years or face fines between 600,000 and 1 million euros. 

For same-sex couples trying to have a baby through surrogacy, the law would be extremely damaging.

A sovereign push that’s likely to put Italy against the European Union

The recent controversial policies introduced by Meloni’s government are not only a game of smoke and mirrors: these legislative efforts are also “well in line with the party’s ideology,” Marianna Griffini, lecturer in the Department of European and International Studies at King’s College London, told Euronews. 

“Meloni’s party is one pushing for Italy’s sovereignty, and these policies are sending the message: ‘Do not interfere with our domestic affairs,’ even if it’s only about cultural affairs, cultural sovereignty,” she said. The recipient of this message? The EU.

Italy’s ban on synthetic meat, Griffini said, can be seen as a way for Italy to reclaim sovereignty over the EU for matters related to its food, after the EU had already given the green light to lab-grown meat in the bloc.

Griffini isn’t the only one to see it this way. For Strazzari, Meloni’s government’s “ridiculous” policies “mobilising shallow calls to national identity and national rhetoric” all lead in the direction of a sovereign push whose ultimate goal is to wriggle out of the European Union’s control — following the footsteps of Poland and Hungary.

“There’s a clear way in which Meloni is trying to benefit from the shifting of the very centre of European politics towards the East with the war in Ukraine […], a shift which has given more gravity to Poland and Hungary,” Strazzari said. “[These countries] are second to no one when it comes to social conservatism and nationalism — especially Poland, with its stress on the traditional family and Catholicism.”

Because of its anti-LGBT policies, Poland has entered in contrast with the EU over the question of the primacy of national law over EU law — an issue that has been raised by Meloni before she even came into power last year.

In 2018, when Meloni was still in the opposition, the far-right politician was the first signatory of a legislative proposal which asked for modifying two articles of the Italian constitution which state that Italy recognises the primacy of European law over national law. “That proposal is still there,” Strazzari said. “It hasn’t been discussed but it hasn’t been withdrawn either — it’s kind of frozen there.”

According to Strazzari, there’s now “an attempt to find congruence” in Italy with Poland and Hungary in terms of introducing nationalist policies which have the potential to go against the EU’s recognised fundamental rights. The proposed surrogacy ban is an example of this initiative.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Antonio Tajani, who served as president of the European Parliament from 2017 and 2019, recently commented on the European Parliament’s criticism of Meloni’s government for the introduction of a law that could ban surrogacy for Italians travelling abroad to have the procedure saying  that “Italy’s regulations are made in Italy, not in Brussels.”

“It’s quite a stunning declaration on the part of someone who was the head of the European Parliament and knows pretty well what are the prerogatives of the EU Parliament, which is elected by Italians, among others. We delegate parts of our sovereignty to that Parliament,” Strazzari said. “But this statement was rather blunt in rejecting criticism coming from the Parliament. […] This raises alert from a European point of view.”

But Griffini sees Meloni’s government’s sovereign efforts simply as “symbolic battles” rather than a real attempt to rebel against the EU. “There is too much at stake,” Griffini said. “There are the famous national recovery and resilience plan’s funds at stake, so I don’t think that the relationship with the EU will come to the point of outward hostility.”

Italy’s recovery plan, which followed the unprecedented crisis of the pandemic, consists of 132 investments and 58 reforms and is supported by €68.9 billion in grants and €122.6 billion in loans to the country.

“Italy still needs this money,” Griffini said. 

“During her campaign, Meloni turned down her Euro-scepticism, and a glaring example of this is that her first state visit was to the EU, when she met Ursula von der Leyen. It’s unlikely that she will fully rebel against the EU. These policies seem more symbolic than anything.”



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Inside Mediobanca, The Investment Bank Making Record Profits Taking Italy’s Biggest Brands Public


Since its founding in 1946, Mediobanca has been at the heart of Italy’s economy. In the last decade, it’s done business with at least 10 Italian billionaires tied to companies like Ferrari and Moncler—and now it’s touting its success in its wealth management business.


Over the last decade, the Milan-based investment bank Mediobanca has had a hand in bringing some of Italy’s most iconic companies public, from sports car maker Ferrari to luxury fashion brands Brunello Cucinelli, Ferragamo, Moncler and Zegna. Last year, it advised the only two Italian companies to price IPOs at more than $1 billion on the Milan stock exchange—probe card manufacturer Technoprobe and electrode maker Industrie De Nora—in public listings that minted two new billionaires. And it helped the billionaire Benetton family and Blackstone close a $56 billion (including debt) buyout and delisting of infrastructure holding company Atlantia in November, the largest take-private transaction of the year—even bigger than Elon Musk’s $44 billion takeover of Twitter.

Altogether, Forbes estimates that Mediobanca has done business with at least 10 Italian billionaires in the past decade, either through working on their IPOs or helping them through mergers and acquisitions.

Some of those deals powered the bank to a record $595 million in net income on $1.8 billion in revenues in the last six months of 2022, a 6% and 14% increase, respectively, from the same period in 2021. A quarter of the revenues came from the bank’s wealth management division, which brought in $3.9 billion in net new money, or new client funds—an area which has grown thanks to Mediobanca’s relationships with entrepreneurs taking their companies public or selling them to private investors.

With a market capitalization of $9 billion, Mediobanca, founded in 1946, is a minnow compared to American behemoths such as JPMorgan Chase (with a $415 billion market cap) and Goldman Sachs ($117 billion market cap.) But when it comes to the lucrative market for public listings, mergers and acquisitions, the Milan-based bank has been punching above its weight. In January 2021, it was one of the advisors to French automaker PSA Group, better known as Peugeot, on its $52 billion merger with Fiat Chrysler to form a new conglomerate called Stellantis. Last September, Mediobanca was the exclusive advisor to Porsche on its $77 billion IPO on the Frankfurt Stock Exchange, the largest public offering in European history.

“Mediobanca is a unique model in private investment banking,” said Alberto Nagel, Mediobanca’s CEO, in the company’s latest earnings call on February 9. “We capture [IPOs and M&As] and we continue to grow in terms of net new money.”

Some of Italy’s richest people are also shareholders in Mediobanca. Delfin, the holding company of the late eyeglasses tycoon Leonardo Del Vecchio (d. July 2022), holds a 19.8% stake in the bank, while cement and publishing billionaire Francesco Gaetano Caltagirone owns 5.6%. Mediolanum Former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi—also a billionaire—held a 2% stake in the bank until he sold it in May 2021. (Berlusconi is still an indirect investor through his 30.1% stake in Italian bank Mediolanum, which holds a 3.4% stake in Mediobanca; the billionaire Doris family owns 40.4% of Mediolanum.)

That hasn’t always been positive: Between 2019 and 2022, Del Vecchio and Caltagirone gradually bought more shares in Mediobanca and criticized what they perceived as the bank’s reliance on its 13% stake in Generali—Italy’s largest insurer, where Mediobanca, Delfin and Caltagirone all hold large stakes—for profits. Last year the two moguls mounted an activist shareholder campaign, opposing Mediobanca’s proposal to reappoint Generali’s CEO. The plan failed when Generali’s shareholders voted 55.9% in favor of the outgoing board last April, with only 41.7% backing the proposal led by Caltagirone.

Francesco Milleri, the new chairman of Delfin since Del Vecchio’s death, appeared to put an end to the feud last month. “Delfin remains a long-term investor in Mediobanca,” he said in a February 24 interview with Italian daily Corriere della Sera. “Our investments in Mediobanca and Generali have been excellent, with increased value and generous dividends.” A spokesperson for Mediobanca told Forbes that neither Caltagirone nor Delfin have bought more shares or released any statements on Mediobanca and Generali since Generali’s April 2022 board meeting.

Still, their influence is limited. More than two-thirds of Mediobanca’s shareholders are retail and institutional investors: 16% hail from the U.S., a new area of focus for the bank, where it recently concluded a roadshow in late February. In 2021, it launched a co-investment initiative with asset manager BlackRock’s private equity unit, offering access to investments in privately-owned companies to Mediobanca’s ultra-high-net-worth clients—commonly defined as people with $30 million or more to invest.

That’s a stark contrast from Mediobanca’s early years. The bank was founded in 1946, the same year Italy became a republic and embarked on its recovery from World War II. The founders, Enrico Cuccia and Raffaele Mattioli, had both worked at Italy’s state-owned Banca Commerciale Italiana, a unit of the Italian public holding company established in 1933 to help the country’s businesses recover from the Great Depression. Their goal at Mediobanca was to help rebuild Italy’s economy and provide financing to its largest companies, which were struggling after years of war.

“After World War II there was a clear need to stimulate post-war reconstruction and favor the evolution of an Italian industrial system by linking it to financial markets,” Nagel told Forbes. “Mediobanca’s founders thought about a business that could act as a modern corporate and investment bank, with a deep understanding of the needs of [the country’s] industrial sectors and the ability to finance their growth with loans, guide them in raising capital on the market and advise them on mergers and acquisitions.”

Mediobanca went public in 1956 and four years later it launched a lending program called Compass, making it the first bank to offer personal loans to Italian consumers. It also played a central role in Italy’s postwar economic recovery and golden era of growth: Cuccia and Mediobanca helped finance the 1970 merger between Italian tire-making giant Pirelli and Ireland-based Dunlop and the rescue of ailing automaker Fiat in 1972. Mediobanca’s ability to offer financing at favorable rates, plus its cross-shareholdings in some of Italy’s largest industrial groups, gave the bank considerable influence in the Italian economy for decades.

That began to change when Cuccia stepped down as CEO in 1982 and in 1988, when Mediobanca—which was previously majority-owned by the Italian state—was privatized, in a deal that saw three of Italy’s national banks reduce their collective stake to 25%. In the 1990s, Mediobanca helped privatize several of Italy’s largest state-owned companies, including telecoms firm Telecom Italia and energy distributor Enel.

Another turning point came when Nagel took over as CEO in 2003, three years after Cuccia’s death in 2000. “One of Nagel’s ideas was to transition Mediobanca from a model of cross-shareholdings to a specialized bank in which the three divisions—corporate and investment banking, wealth management and consumer finance—work together in synergy,” a spokesperson for Mediobanca told Forbes.

Mediobanca expanded in 2004, opening offices in Paris and later in Moscow, Frankfurt, Madrid, New York and London. The bank then moved into digital retail banking in 2008 with the launch of CheBanca, and in 2016 it set up a private banking unit to manage the wealth of Italy’s richest families and entrepreneurs.

Still, the Italian market can only take Mediobanca so far, with the number of public listings falling by 35% to 32 last year from a record 49 in 2021. The bank also expects large merger and acquisition activity to slow for the rest of 2023, making it all the more important to keep key customers such as Porsche and continue its overseas expansion.

Last year, reports emerged that Lamborghini and Prada were weighing listing on European stock exchanges (Prada’s shares are currently listed in Hong Kong.) With its track record in fast cars and high fashion, Mediobanca could battle it out with its European and American rivals to take a cut of those deals—if they ever happen.

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View Q&A with Pietro Orlandi: Rome needs to stop bowing to the Vatican


The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

When 15-year-old Emanuela Orlandi left her apartment in the Vatican City for her flute lesson on a hot and humid summer day in June 1983, nothing seemed out of the ordinary.

The teenage daughter of a Vatican City clerk, however, did not make it home that evening. Her parents and four brothers and sisters never saw her again.

Emanuela’s disappearance launched a four-decades-long pursuit of truth and an avalanche of speculations linking the case to everyone from Pope John Paul II’s assailant Mehmet Ali Ağca and Rome’s organised crime group Banda della Magliana to the secret services of several states.

Her story gripped the attention of the Apennine Peninsula for nearly 40 years, but it gained worldwide fame after the release of a much-lauded documentary, “The Vatican Girl,” in 2022.

The spike in interest prompted both Italian and Vatican authorities to pledge to new inquiries into the case, with hopes again high that what happened to Emanuela could be finally revealed.

Euronews View spoke to Emanuela’s brother, Pietro Orlandi, who for four decades sought to compel the Vatican to tell all that it knows about his sister’s disappearance. 

Euronews View: You’ve been involved in advocating for your sister’s cause for decades. How do you feel now that there’s renewed interest in Emanuela, both internationally and in Italy?

Pietro Orlandi: I feel very positive about this because we succeeded in not letting the story be forgotten.

Perhaps those who for years did everything they could to hide the truth have realised that silence was useless because we will never give up what is our right: to know what happened to Emanuela.

Euronews View: You were a teenager when Emanuela disappeared. What was your own life path like?

Pietro Orlandi: I had a very normal life, like many other young people. 

I had my friendships, my expectations in life, I thought a lot about the future, and I had many dreams to fulfil. I was and am very close to Emanuela, with whom I shared so many things. 

Unfortunately, someone didn’t allow Emanuela to choose her own life path, and as a result, I didn’t get to have a choice either.

Euronews View: Most of those who found out about your sister’s disappearance from “Vatican Girl” are unaware of the fact that you worked on a programme called “Scomparsi” (“The Missing”), where you retraced the stories of those who found themselves in a situation like yours. How do those who also have a missing family member feel about the way their cases are being handled in Italy?

Pietro Orlandi: Unfortunately, there are many cases of disappearances — in Italy and worldwide — and most of them are forgotten too quickly. 

Too often, people are left to handle it themselves, and not everyone has the strength to react and demand their actual rights be enacted. 

At times, I feel lucky because I have had the opportunity to speak about it, as I am doing now, and to maintain people’s interest. 

So when I can, I invite the families who have silently borne the burden of their tragedy to events so that Emanuela’s voice can also be theirs.

Euronews View: You have been very involved in the pursuit of truth in your sister’s disappearance and abduction, including going face to face against one of her alleged kidnappers, but also the pope himself. What kind of energy and drive is required to persist with finding out the truth for four decades?

Pietro Orlandi: The main drive comes from my will not to passively accept this injustice, especially when it is known that there are people, especially in the Vatican, who are aware of what happened — people who, for forty years, have been doing everything they can to keep the truth hidden. 

But it is also the thousands of people who, with their solidarity, presence, and, I must also say, affection, continue to support me and make me feel like I’m not alone. 

I certainly cannot forget my wife and children, who have always supported me in every initiative I have undertaken, from petitions to the popes to demonstrations all the way to St. Peter’s Square.

Euronews View: For the past 40 years, the Italian government has not investigated your sister’s case. Now the executive branch is holding back on passing a bill that would create an inquiry commission into some of the missing cases, including Emanuela’s. Why do you think the Italian political leadership has hesitated for so long — and might hesitate once more, according to recent news out of Rome?

Pietro Orlandi: Over the years, the Italian Parliament did not deal with the affair because the Rome Public Prosecutor’s Office had investigated it in two lengthy enquiries, which were archived in 2016. 

These enquiries had many dark sides, many aspects that were dealt with negligently and the shadow of the Vatican, who have never wanted to cooperate, hung over it all. 

They even rejected international rogatory letters for judicial assistance and turned their back on one of their citizens — because Emanuela is a Vatican citizen, the only Vatican citizen who has ever been kidnapped.

Now this proposed parliamentary commission, which is about to start, will hopefully succeed in shedding light on what has been unclear in the relationship between the Italian state and the Vatican.

I’m also hoping it will clarify the irregular aspects of the behaviour of the state apparatus itself, by its secret services and the meddling of the foreign secret services as well.

Euronews View: How has the climate in Italy — and the Vatican — changed since Emanuela’s disappearance in 1983? Do you think it is more conducive to finding out the truth, and if so, how?

Pietro Orlandi: A few days ago, the Vatican agreed to open an investigation into Emanuela’s abduction for the first time. That’s an important step. 

I expect that this enquiry will be honest and transparent with the desire to shed light on whatever the truth behind this abduction may be.

I also hope the two states will cooperate. The psychological subservience of the past — especially in the early years of this story — was always there on the part of the Italian state towards the Vatican.

This has meant that Italian politicians and the judiciary have always passively accepted the will and power of the ecclesiastical hierarchies. I hope that now becomes a thing of the past.

Euronews View: Euronews English reaches a wide European audience. What would be your message to them — knowing that some of those who might know the truth about Emanuela’s disappearance might be among them?

Pietro Orlandi: My appeal has always been addressed to those who surely know what happened but insist on remaining silent. 

Forty years have passed, and even the smallest clue could help. 

We will never stop. There will be no power, however strong, that can make us retreat a single inch until we get to the truth and justice for Emanuela.

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Why Elly Schlein is freaking out Italy’s ‘soft’ socialists

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Right-wing hardliners could not dream of an easier target than Elly Schlein, the new leader of Italy’s center-left Democratic Party (PD).

A global citizen with a female partner and an upper-middle-class upbringing, the youngest and first female leader of Italy’s most-established progressive party has sparked the ire of the country’s conservatives.

“CommunistElly,” the right-wing newspaper Il Tempo dubbed her after the leadership contest was decided on Sunday. Schlein defeated the favorite Stefano Bonaccini with 53.8 percent to 46.2 percent of the vote.

Far-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s allies have been relishing the polarization around Schlein — the two political leaders, though both female, stand for very different values.

“She promised to prioritize the poor, public education and workers,” right-wing commentator Italo Bocchino said in attacking Schlein. “But unlike Meloni, she has never known the poor in her life,” he continued, pointing out how she attended a private school “for rich people” in Switzerland. Nor can Schlein know workers “as she’s never worked in her life,” he ranted.

Schlein’s surprise win has not only fired up her opponents, but also unsettled many in her own party. Fellow social democrats are spooked that Schlein could transform the PD from the broad progressive church it’s historically been into a much more radical sect.

There’s also concern about whether she’ll stand by the party’s support for sending lethal weapons to Ukraine given her self-described pacifist views.

Most skeptics are clinging on — for now — although a few have already jumped ship.

“The PD is over,” declared David Allegranti, a journalist for the Florence daily La Nazione. The expert on the Italian center-left argues that Schlein and many of her allies hail from leftist splinter groups and were not members of the PD until barely a few months ago — discrediting them in their critics’ eyes.

Ex-Cabinet minister Giuseppe Fioroni, among the founding members of the PD, told POLITICO: “Her project has nothing to do with my history and my political culture.” Having foreseen the outcome, Fioroni left the party one day before Schlein’s victory was announced. “My PD is no longer there, this is another party — it no longer belongs to the center left, but to the hard left,” he said.

As a youth leader in 2013, Schlein became the figurehead of Occupy PD, a protest movement set up by disaffected progressives angered over 101 center-left parliamentarians who voted against their own social democrat grandee Romano Prodi’s bid to become the president of Italy.

“With Elly Schlein, the PD has occupied itself,” quipped Allegranti.

Ex-Cabinet minister and PD founding member Giuseppe Fioroni left the party one day before Schlein’s victory, saying that the party “no longer belongs to the center left, but to the hard left” | Claudio Peri/EPA

The young radical

The daughter of a Swiss-based political scientist couple (one Italian and one American), Schlein was raised in Lugano, the Italian-speaking region of Switzerland, and spent her teens writing film reviews — her dream at the time was to become a film director — as well as playing the board game “Trivial Pursuit” and the cult 90s video game “The Secret of Monkey Island.”

Her first stint in politics came in 2008, when she cut her teeth working as a volunteer for Barack Obama’s two U.S. presidential election campaigns — heading to Chicago to do so.

“Here, I understood that you don’t need to ask for votes, but mobilize people with ideas,” she recalled to La Repubblica. A decade on, the lesson proved useful for her own leadership campaign.

In a first for the PD’s leadership contests, Schlein won the open ballot after losing by a wide margin in the caucus with party members the week before, demonstrating her capacity to win over voters.

The newly elected leader gained the upper hand over Bonaccini in big cities such as Milan, Turin and Naples, as well as performing well almost everywhere north of Rome — but lost in most southern regions, according to pollster YouTrend.

“There was a wave of support that brought along different kinds of voters, who were united by a strong desire for change,” said Lorenzo Pregliasco, the founder of YouTrend.

However, Pregliasco played down reports of a “youthquake,” and described the leadership campaign as “boring, dull and largely ignored by public opinion.”

End of the party, or a new beginning?

While there are no exact figures on voter turnout available, Italian media reports that around 1.2 million people cast their ballots — which would mark the lowest figures since PD party primaries were first held in 2007.

After becoming a member of the European Parliament with the Socialists & Democrats group in 2014 at the age of 28, Schlein took the unexpected decision to abandon the PD a year later, accusing then-prime minister and PD party leader Matteo Renzi of lurching to the right.

The decision turned out to be prophetic, as Renzi suffered a number of electoral defeats that snowballed into his resignation as prime minister in 2016, and as party leader in 2018.

Pippo Civati, a former parliamentarian and longtime ally of Schlein who is now out of politics, recalled of Schlein in 2015: “We left at the same time because he [Renzi] was making one mess after another.”

Speaking to POLITICO, Civati warned that the newly elected leader could end up having her hands tied by party bigwigs who backed the popular politician without necessarily having any genuine commitment to her radical ideas.

Pundits point out that the conflict in Ukraine could be the trickiest issue for Schlein, whose distant ancestors hail from a village close to modern-day Lviv. There are question marks over whether she will carry forward her predecessor Enrico Letta’s all-out support for the delivery of lethal weapons to Ukraine.

A U-turn by Schlein on support for Ukraine would leave Meloni as the only national party leader in favor of sending arms to the besieged country, fueling concerns among Western allies who see Italy as a weak link.

“A change of line over Ukraine could be the trigger for many centrists to leave the PD,” Allegranti said.

But Civati played down rumors of an about-face, arguing that Schlein is unlikely to oppose the sending of arms to Ukraine.

“We support Ukraine’s right to defend itself, through every form of assistance,” said Schlein in a recent interview with broadcaster La7. “But as a pacifist, I don’t think that weapons alone will end the war.”



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I asked ChatGPT to help me plan a vacation. Here’s what happened next

Some people love travel planning.

But I am not one of those people.

So the idea that artificial intelligence chatbots, such as ChatGPT and Bing, can research travel destinations and create itineraries is intriguing.

But I’m skeptical too.

Do recommendations just scratch the surface — for example, suggesting that I see the Eiffel Tower in Paris? Or can they recommend lesser-known restaurants and handle specific hotel requests too?

The answer is: yes and no — at least for ChatGPT.

Unfortunately, I couldn’t test Bing. When I tried to access it, I was put on a waiting list. The website said I could “get ahead in the line” if I set Microsoft defaults on my computer and scanned a QR code to install the Bing app. I did both. I’m still waiting.

ChatGPT was easier. I went to the developer’s website, clicked on the word “ChatGPT,” registered for an account — and started chatting.

‘Can you help me plan a beach trip?’

“Of course!” replied ChatGPT. But first, I needed to tell it about my interests, budget and how long I planned to be away.

I’m looking for a week-long beach trip in mid-March to spend time with my family, with no set budget, I typed.

“Sounds like a wonderful idea!” it replied, before recommending Hawaii, the Caribbean — specifically the Bahamas, Jamaica and the Dominican Republic — Florida and Costa Rica, along with details about the weather and popular attractions for each.

Nice. But I live in Singapore, I said.

“I see!” it exclaimed. (ChatGPT loves exclamation points.) In that case, Bali, Indonesia; Langkawi, Malaysia; and Phuket and Krabi in Thailand were better choices.

ChatGPT is nothing if not apologetic.

Cost estimates for each hotel were more accurate. But ChatGPT couldn’t show photographs of the hotels or help book them — although it did provide ample instructions on how to do both.

By road or by rail?

Flights

ChatGPT can name airlines that connect cities, but it can’t give current flight information or help book flights.  

It wasn’t able to tell me the cheapest fare — or any fare — from London to New York this spring because it doesn’t “have access to real-time pricing information,” it said.

In fact, ChatGPT data ends at September 2021; it doesn’t “know” anything that’s happened since.

However, the bot could answer which month the London-to-New York route is usually the cheapest, which it said is “January and February, or during the shoulder season months of March and November.”

As for the best airline in the world, it said: “As an AI language model, I cannot have personal preferences or opinions.” But it went on to name the top five airlines named to Skytrax’s “World’s Top 100 Airlines” in 2021.

The list wasn’t correct.

The list provided by ChatGPT appears to be Skytrax’s airline ranking from 2019 instead.  

“Where should I eat?”

Specific questions

I had many more questions for ChatGPT, such as:

“How should I spend five days in South Africa?”
“Which chateaux accept visitors in Bordeaux?”
“If I only have one day in London, what should I do?”
“Which rides have the longest lines at Disney World?”

But before I could, my screen said “Access denied” alongside an “error code 1020” message.

This error may be caused by overloaded servers or by exceeding the daily limit, according to the tech website Stealth Optional. Either way, all of my previous chats were inaccessible, a huge negative for travelers in the middle of the planning process.

A new window didn’t fix the problem, but opening one in “incognito mode” did. Once in, I clicked on “Upgrade to Plus,” which showed that the free plan is available when demand is low, but for $20 per month, the “Plus plan” gives access to ChatGPT all the time, faster responses and priority to use new features.

With access again, I quickly asked about wait times on Disney World rides, a subject which I had spoken to luxury travel advisor Jonathan Alder of Jonathan’s Travels about last week. Alder lives close to the park and has lost count of how many times he’s visited, he said. Yet, only one of their answers — Epcot’s “Frozen Ever After” — overlapped.

ChatGPT mentioned that FastPass and Genie+ can reduce wait times at Disney World, which is partly right. The company phased out its “skip the line” virtual queue FastPass program when it introduced Genie+ in the fall of 2021.

The takeaway

ChatGPT is fast, chatty and feels like you’re interacting with a human. I found myself responding with unnecessary pleasantries — “Ok, sure” and “Thank you” — out of habit.

I could see how it could save travelers’ time, especially if they are looking for an overview or are at the early stages of planning.

But information will need to be current, of course — and bugs and error messages, which I faced several times in addition to the “1020” message mentioned above — will need to be fixed.

OpenAI states that the current ChatGPT version “is a free research preview.” It also says the system may “occasionally generate incorrect or misleading information” and that it’s “not intended to give advice.”

When I asked it about its travel planning abilities, it said it “can assist with many aspects of travel planning” but that it may not be able to “provide personalized advice based on your unique circumstances.”

My verdict: Travel agents’ jobs are secure for the time being.

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Giorgia Meloni’s first 100 days in office: What has Italy’s PM done?

Giorgia Meloni was voted into office last October to the sound of alarm bells ringing across Europe.

As a far-right leader with a bone to pick with the EU, her landslide election perturbed political commentators, who branded her with a range of incendiary epithets: “Eurosceptic”, “radical”, “demagogic”, even Europe’s “most dangerous woman”.

But now that Meloni marks her first 100 days as prime minister, how has her premiership measured up to such forecasts? 

Has she followed through on her election campaign mantra that “playtime is over” for Brussels, or has she opted for a meeker stance to ingratiate herself with Italy’s European allies?

Here is a list of some of Giorgia Meloni’s main steps since being elected: 

Cracking down on rave parties

Few would have guessed Meloni’s “playtime is over” motto would end up taking such a literal turn, but it seems her intent to halt the fun and games was no joke — indeed, one of her first decisions as PM was to pass an “anti-rave” decree cracking down on unauthorised mass parties.

Meloni and her government defended the decision — which sees organisers of such gatherings facing hefty fines and up to six years in prison — on the grounds that it was necessary measure to curb partygoers’ antics and align Italy’s rules to its European peers.

“We have shown that the state won’t turn a blind eye and fail to act when faced with law-breaking,” she said at a news conference. 

Critics, however, deemed the move a “distraction” from more pressing political problems and feared it could limit students’ freedom to protest.

Migrant feud with France

Shortly after taking office, Meloni found herself in hot waters after sparking a spat with France over a migrant rescue vessel.

In November, SOS Méditeranée’s Ocean Viking ship — which carried over 200 migrants — was rejected by Italy and subsequently forced to dock at the French port town of Toulon, provoking France’s ire.

It comes as little surprise that the PM’s first squabble would end up involving Italy’s westerly neighbour, given her own longstanding animosity towards French President Emmanuel Macron and his migration policy.

In a talk show in 2019, Meloni had decried France’s “exploitative” economic relationship with former colonies such as Burkina Faso, arguing that the solution to Africa’s problems was not “moving Africans to Europe”, but to “liberate Africa from certain Europeans.”

The premier has used her criticism of French imperialist activities to justify her anti-migration stance — indeed, prior to her election, she proposed a naval blockade to clamp down on migrants crossing the Mediterranean.

While such loaded language may have subsided as of late, Meloni’s iron-fisted rhetoric on migration has certainly not softened. Indeed, her latest decree directly targets and curbs non-governmental organisations’ lifesaving activities at sea.

But for all the grandstanding and bold predictions, the reality on the ground would point to her promises having fallen flat.

Statistics released by the interior ministry prove migrant boat arrivals have not only failed to slow down, but have grown dramatically since Meloni took office. The first ten days of the new year alone registered an 880% increase from 2022.

An EU-friendly budget

For weeks, Brussels officials waited with bated breath as Meloni’s cabinet deliberated its budget plan for 2023.

But concerns were alleviated when it was announced that the new government’s plans for Italy’s debt-ridden economy would be considerably closer to the EU line than some had expected.

The budget law — approved by parliament in record time — includes proposals such as €21 million tax breaks to relieve businesses from the burdens of the energy crisis, as well as fiscal incentives and a lower retirement age.

While some of the plan’s measures remained controversial — especially a higher cap on cash payments — it displayed a greater of restraint than what had been touted by Meloni’s right-wing bloc on the campaign trail.

Meloni herself subsequently embarked on a charm offensive with Brussels, courting EU President Ursula von der Leyen in her first foreign trip, a move analysts attribute to Italy’s dire need to receive its €190 billion EU post-COVID recovery funds — that itself entails a set of reforms.

“It would have been unthinkable for Meloni to risk missing out on this money. Failure would have been a tragedy,” noted Daniele Albertazzi, a politics professor at the University of Surrey told Reuters. 

“She behaved in the only way she could.”

Maintaining Italy’s support for Ukraine

Giorgia Meloni was sworn in on a promise that she would maintain her steadfast support to Ukraine as it fends off Russia’s invasion, and has certainly not rolled back on any of her pledges — to the satisfaction of Kyiv.

It appears Meloni has been willing to put her money where her mouth is, as further reports emerge that Italy and France are days away from finalising a deal to supply Ukraine with a SAMP/T “Mamba” air defence system.

The PM and her cabinet’s allegiance to Ukaine however, could not be taken for granted. 

Despite welcoming a large share of Ukraine’s refugees, Italy remains one of Western Europe’s most Russia-friendly countries. The burden of decades-long economic hardships and the scars of COVID-19 have left many Italians reluctant to support sanctions, a sentiment which populist politicians — many belonging to her own bloc — have been willing to tap into.

Some of Meloni’s colleagues have themselves cosied up to the Kremlin. Fellow coalition leader Silvio Berlusconi is a long-time confidante of President Vladimir Putin confidante, who was recorded last October admitting to exchanging gifts and “sweet letters” with the maligned Russian leader. 

And Matteo Salvini — appointed by Meloni as deputy PM — had previously expressed positive attitudes towards Russia, and had donned a Putin T-shirt back in 2014.

Taking journalists to court

Italy has long been ranked as one of Western Europe’s worst countries for journalists, coming in at 58th place in the 2022 World Press Freedom Index

Some journalists have expressed concerns that Meloni’s election win has made life even more challenging for reporters in Italy, especially those belonging to the left.

While Meloni — herself a journalist — has expressed her support for press freedom, critics point to hostile behaviours from members of her party, Brothers of Italy, towards leftist journalists, as well as legal threats made by the right-wing leader herself against dissenting voices, as signs of a worsening situation.

Among these is Rula Jebreal, a Palestinian-Italian journalist and academic, who found herself threatened with legal action after claims she had made about Meloni’s views on immigration.

“[Meloni and her party] want to take down anyone who ever dares to criticise their policies,” she told Euronews. “It’s a sign of what’s to come.”

But while Meloni eventually fell short of taking Jebreal to court, she did not spare another journalist: Roberto Saviano.

In October, she decided to sue Saviano — one of Italy’s most prominent anti-Mafia campaigners and an avowed Meloni critic — over comments he had made in 2020, in which he labelled her and Salvini “bastards.”

If found guilty, Saviano could face up to three years in prison, a prospect which a global press freedom watchdog described as a “chilling message” to Italy’s journalists.

What do the analysts and the public say?

After 100 days in office, what do commentators and the Italian public say about Meloni so far? 

Analysts have found their fears of a potential far-right takeover have been somewhat mitigated, although they remain unconvinced with Meloni’s performance.

“Her cabinet did not do much in its first 100 days,” Andrea Mammone, a history professor at Rome’s Sapienza University, told Euronews. “The government is basically following the EU on international politics.”

“This clearly shows how complex it is to run a country when someone is starting from populist premises,” he added.

According to opinion polls, Italians are broadly satisfied with Meloni’s job so far. Her party, Brothers of Italy, has soared since she took office, and she currently has a 48% approval rating.

It would appear Meloni has managed to hit a sweet middle spot, flexing her muscles when necessary to signal strength to her supporters — the arrest of Italy’s most-wanted Mafia boss earlier this month certainly bolstered her image — while also towing the Brussels line.

As Meloni further consolidates her power, she is likely to continue this careful balancing act which has reaped her significant rewards both home and abroad. But as a string of Italian prime ministers each saw their support plummet shortly after enjoying an initial ‘honeymoon’ phase, it remains to be seen whether the newly elected PM will manage to cling onto her popularity — or suffer the same fate.

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