Live: Aussie para cyclists chase more gold on the road, McGrath makes Paris Games debut

Day nine: Aussies in action

It’s a big day for the Australian squad in Paris — we’ll update the schedule when finals are confirmed (all times AEST):

Para cycling road

  • 5:30pm: Men’s C4-5 road race — Korey Boddington and Alistair Donohoe🏅
  • 5:35pm: Women’s C4-5 road race — Alana Forster, Meg Lemon and Emily Petricola🏅

Para swimming

  • 6:26pm: Women’s 100m butterfly S9 heats — Emily Beecroft
  • 6:34pm: Men’s backstroke S14 heats — Ricky Betar and Ben Hance
  • 6:45pm: Women’s 100m backstroke S14 heats — Maddie McTernan
  • 6:54pm: Men’s 50m freestyle S3 heats — Ahmed Kelly
  • 7:11pm: Women’s 50m freestyle S4 — Rachael Watson
  • 7:28pm: Men’s 100m freestyle S8 — Callum Simpson

Para equestrian

  • 5:30pm: Team event Grade IV — Stella Barton (Lord Larmarque), Lisa Martin (Vilaggio) and Bridget Murphy (Penmain Promise)

Para canoe

  • 6:40pm: Men’s kayak single 200m KL3 heats — Dylan Littlehales
  • 7:35pm: Women’s kayak single 200m KL2 heats — Susan Seipel
  • 8:05pm: Men’s Va’a single 200m VL3 heats — Curtis McGrath

Para athletics

  • 7:08pm: Women’s 1,500m T20 final — Annabelle Colman🏅
  • 7:58pm: Men’s discus F37 final — Guy Henly🏅
  • 8:18pm: Men’s 800m T34 heats — Rheed McCracken
  • 3:48am: Women’s long jump T20 final — Telaya Blacksmith🏅
  • 4:32am: Women’s discus F38 final — Ella Hose and Samantha Schmidt🏅
  • 4:37am: Men’s 100m T36 heats — James Turner
  • 5:37am: Women’s 400m T38 heats — Rhiannon Clarke

Para table tennis

  • 8pm: Women’s singles WS9 quarterfinal — Lina Lei

Wheelchair basketball

  • 3:15am: Men’s wheelchair basketball playoff (5th-6th) — Australia vs Netherlands

Para cycling road: Forster leads chase group

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At the end of the second lap, Australia’s Alana Forster was in 6th with a time of 46:42.

That was almost a minute behind the leading four riders.

But Forster now leads the chasing pack and is trying to make a move.

Emily Petricola and Meg Lemon are sitting a fair way back in 10th and 12the respectively.

C’mon Al!

Amanda Shalala profile image

Go Alistair Donohoe! 💛💚🚴‍♂️

– Hanne Worsoe

Let’s hope Al can pull out something special Hanne!

Para canoe: Seipel to contest semis

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Tokyo silver medallist Susan Seipel was third in her women’s va’a single 200m VL2 heat, meaning she now has to race in the semis to try and make the final.

Canada’s Brianna Hennessy was the automatic qualifier finishing first, while Great Britain’s Emma Wiggs won the other heat.

Seipel appeared to have some issues, switching the side she was paddling on a couple of times, which is unusual for this race, and it saw her lose crucial time.

Para swimming: Aggressive Hodge in contention for another gold

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Competing less than 18 hours after winning his first individual Paralympic gold, Australia’s Tim Hodge has impressed in the heats of the men’s 100m butterfly S9.

Hodge adopted an aggressive approach to win the opening heat in 1:00.61 and he’s the second fastest qualifier for the final (2:35am AEST).

His countryman Lewis Bishop (1:01.55) also reached the final after being fourth quickest in the heats.

But teammate Brenden Hall, competing in the same heat as Hodge, didn’t advance after posting a time of 1:04.36.

Hodge won gold in the men’s 200m individual medley SM9 on day eight.

He was also a member of the Australian quartet who claimed gold in the mixed 4x100m medley relay 34 points earlier in the Games.

Para cycling road: Boddington yet cross 28.4km

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It looks like Korey Boddington’s race may be over.

After that early crash with the Netherland’s Daniel Abraham Gebru, he is the only rider yet to cross the 28.4km mark.

It also looks like Australia’s other competitor, Alistair Donohoe, has moved down a couple places since he was clocked at third at the 28.4km mark.

Two more riders have joined Gatien le Rousseau and Martin van de Pol out in front, while Donohoe leads the chasing pack.

Para swimming: Greenwood sneaks into backstroke medal race

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Jasmine Greenwood claimed the eighth and final spot for the women’s 100m backstroke S10 decider.

Greenwood was fifth in her heat, swimming 1:11.93, but it was enough to book a berth in the final, which will be held at 2:12am (AEST).

Para canoe: New Zealand’s Martlew into final alongside McGrath

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Kiwi Scott Martlew has won the second heat in the KL2.

The winners of each heat – McGrath and Martlew are the only athletes to go straight to the final, the rest have to contest the semis.

Para cycling road: Donohoe third at 28.4km

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With a time of 40:18, Australia’s Alistair Donohoe sits in third at the 28.4km mark of the men’s C4-5 road race.

He is still a fair way behind race leaders France’s Gatien le Rousseau and Martin van de Pol of the Netherlands.

The Frenchman and Dutchman have extended their lead over the rest of the race to almost a minute.

Donohoe is riding aggressively though and trying to push his peloton forward.

Para canoe: McGrath through to KL2 final

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Defending champion Curtis McGrath is safely through to the final of the men’s kayak single 200m – KL2.

McGrath let his competitors take the race out early, but he showed his great back end speed and overhauled the field to cruise to a comfortable win, with a time of 42.66 seconds.

McGrath will be back in action at 8:05pm AEST in the heats of his other event – the men’s va’a single 200m VL3.

Para swimming: Gallagher makes 100m backstroke final

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Tom Gallagher has the chance of winning another individual medal after qualifying for the men’s 100m backstroke S10 final.

Gallagher swam 1:03.14 to finish third in his heat and advance to the final as the fifth fastest qualifier.

The final takes place at 2:05am (AEST).

Earlier in the para swimming program, Gallagher won gold and bronze for Australia in the 50m and 100m freestyle events in the S10 classification.

Para cycling road: What does C4-5 mean?

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C4-5 refers to the sports classes of the riders involved in the race.

The C stands for “cycling” and means that competitors use a standard bicycle.

Athletes in this race are either C4 or C5 athletes.

C5 athletes have the lowest level of physical impairment of all cyclists at a Paralympics and C4 athletes have the second lowest.

Para cycling road: Australian’s back in women’s road race

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Australian trio Alana Forster, Meg Lemon and Emily Petricola are already falling away from the four leading riders in the women’s C4-5 road race.

Sitting in 5th, 10th and 11th, they are part of the chase group.

The leading group is made up of four riders, who all passed the 14.2km mark with a time of 22:29.

Forster is closest to them with a time of 23:11.

Para canoe: McGrath to hit the water for the first time shortly

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Australia’s co-captain Curtis McGrath is defending two titles from Tokyo, the KL2 and VL3.

He is a triple Paralympic champion, and once again the favourite for both events.

He begins his campaign for a fourth and fifth gold shortly in the heats.

Para cycling road: Donohoe 4th at 14.2km

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Australia’s Alistair Donohoe has made a solid start to the men’s C4-5 road race.

His time of 19:59 is good enough for 4th at 14.2km.

The Netherlands’ Martin van de Pol leads with a time of 19:42.

He is out in front with France’s Gatien le Rousseau.

Para swimming: Aussies facing massive heats session in the pool

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Twelve Australians are in action during the heats session at Paris La Défense Arena.

  • 6:01pm: Men’s 100m backstroke S10 heats — Tom Gallagher
  • 6:10pm: Women’s 100m backstroke S10 heats — Jasmine Greenwood
  • 6:18pm: Men’s 100m butterfly S9 heats — Lewis Bishop, Brenden Hall and Tim Hodge
  • 6:26pm: Women’s 100m butterfly S9 heats — Emily Beecroft
  • 6:34pm: Men’s backstroke S14 heats — Ricky Betar and Ben Hance
  • 6:45pm: Women’s 100m backstroke S14 heats — Maddie McTernan
  • 6:54pm: Men’s 50m freestyle S3 heats — Ahmed Kelly
  • 7:11pm: Women’s 50m freestyle S4 — Rachael Watson
  • 7:28pm: Men’s 100m freestyle S8 — Callum Simpson

Para cycling: Storey sets pace

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Unsurprisingly, Great Britain’s Sarah Storey is setting the pace in the women’s C4-5 time trial.

The Aussie trio of Alana Forster, Meg Lemon and Emily Petricola are riding well towards the middle of the pack.

Para cycling road: Early crash

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Australia’s Korey Boddington has been involved in an early prang in the men’s C4-5 time trial.

The gold medallist from Tokyo, Dutchman Daniel Abraham Gebru went down and took Boddingtom with him.

Thankfully for the Aussie, he was able to get up pretty quickly and rejoin the race, even if he lost a bit of time.

Gebru, on the other way, took a while to get back on his bike.

It isn’t clear yet how much damage him and his bike sustain.

Para cycling road: Women’s C4-5 road race off and away

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Australian triumvirate Emily Petricola, Alana Forster and Meg Lemon have begun their women’s C4-5 road race.

It is a lot less wet in Paris today. Skies are largely blue with a speckling of wispy white clouds.

This is a stacked race, featuring potentially the greatest Para cyclist of all time, Sarah Storey of Great Britain.

Our Aussie trio have their work cut out for them.

We’ll keep you updated as the race progresses.

Para equestrian: Aussies competing in team event

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The first stage of the para equestrian team event is underway, with Australia among the 16 entrants.

Stella Barton (with horse Lord Larmarque), Lisa Martin (Vilaggio) and Bridget Murphy (Penmain Promises) are competing for Australia.

We’ll keep you updated on their progress.

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Live: Australia’s Amanda Reid claims Paralympic gold in Paris, as Australia add four medals to tally

Day three: Aussies in action and medal winners

It’s a massive day for Australian para athletes in Paris (all times AEST):

Medals won:

🏅Para cycling: Women’s C1-3 500m time trial final — Amanda Reid, GOLD

🏅 Para athletics: Men’s 1,500m T46 final — Michael Roeger, SILVER

🏅 Para athletics: Women’s 5,000m T54 final — Madison de Rozario, BRONZE

🏅 Para swimming: Men’s 200m freestyle S14 — Jack Ireland, BRONZE

Upcoming events:

Para athletics

  • 3:08am: Women’s shot put F37 final — Ella Hose 🏅
  • 4:11am: Women’s 100m final T38 — Rhiannon Clarke 🏅
  • 5:49am: Women’s 200m T36 heats — Mali Lovell

Para table tennis

  • 4:15am: Women’s doubles WD20 final — Lina Lei and Qian Yang🏅

Wheelchair tennis

  • TBC: Men’s doubles first round — Anderson Parker and Ben Weekes

Boccia: Daniel Michel completes sweep of preliminary matches

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Australia’s Daniel Michel is a perfect three from three in the men’s individual BC3.

Michel defeated William Arnott from Great Britain 3-2.

The Australian is through to the quarterfinals.

Para swimming: Jesse Aungles places sixth in the men’s 100m backstroke S8 final

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Australian Jesse Aungles has finished sixth in the men’s 100m backstroke S8 final.

Aungles was the slowest qualifier for the final and was eighth after 50 metres.

But the Aussie absolutely flew home to rise to sixth. A nice swim.

Spaniard Inigo Llopis Sanz won the gold medal.

Para swimming: Men’s 100m backstroke S8 final

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It is time for Australia’s final medal event of day three in the pool.

Jesse Aungles will line up in lane one for the men’s 100m backstroke S8 final.

Para swimming: Madeleine McTernan fifth, Ruby Storm seventh

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A nice swim by both Madeleine McTernan and Ruby Storm for Australia.

The duo were not expected to contest for medals in the women’s 200m freestyle S14 final, but they held their own in a very competitive race.

McTernan places fifth while Storm achieves seventh.

Valerila Shabalina won gold, defending her title from Tokyo.

Para swimming: Women’s 200m freestyle S14 final

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We have two Aussies in the women’s 200m freestyle S14 final.

Madeleine McTernan (lane two) and Ruby Storm (lane eight) are our medal hopes.

Para swimming: Jack Ireland wins BRONZE

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Australia has another medal on day three.

Jack Ireland has won bronze in the men’s 200m freestyle S14.

Britain’s William Ellard won gold in world record time, with Nicholas Bennett from Canada holding onto silver.

Ireland had a great start and finished the first 50m in third.

The Australian hung onto the leaders Ellard and Bennett, turning at 100m about half-a-body length behind.

Ireland was chasing Bennett in the final 25 metres, but just ran out of time.

Well done Jack.

Para swimming: Men’s 200m freestyle S14 final

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It’s time for the second medal race with an Australian.

Jack Ireland is in lane three for the men’s 200m freestyle S14 final.

Jack is competing in his debut Games.

Para swimming: Jenna Jones places sixth in the women’s 100m backstroke S12 final

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The first medal race of day three with an Aussie has been run,

Australia’s Jenna Jones has placed sixth.

Jones had the best start, clearly launching from the wall fastest.

The Aussie turned for home fourth, but there was nothing between third and seventh.

Brazil’s Maria Gomes Santiago wins the gold medal.

Para swimming: Women’s 100m backstroke S12 final

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The first medal event of the para swimming with an Aussie is coming up.

The women’s 100m backstroke S12 final has Jenna Jones in lane two.

This is Jenna’s second Paralympic Games. Here debut Games was at Rio in 2016.

Para swimming: Australia swim for medals on day three

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There are four medal races coming up within the next 30 minutes.

We have five swimmers across these finals.

  • 1:37am: Women’s 100m backstroke S12 final — Jenna Jones🏅
  • 1:44am: Men’s 200m freestyle S14 final — Jack Ireland 🏅
  • 1:51am: Women’s 200m freestyle S14 final — Madeleine McTernan and Ruby Storm 🏅
  • 1:59am: Men’s 100m backstroke S8 final — Jesse Aungles🏅

Para archery: Ameera Lee defeated by Julie Rigault Chupin

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Australian para archer Ameera Lee has been defeated by Frenchwoman Julie Rigault Chupin.

Rigault Chupin finished in style to secure a 140-132 victory.

Lee was valiant in defeat, but a few wayward arrows put her behind the count.

Lee had three ends which began with a 10, but followed with an eight.

A great effort nonetheless.

Para archery: Ameera Lee is up for Australia

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Australia’s Ameera Lee is now in her knockout match against French fan-favourite Julie Rigault Chupin.

The French archer took a two-point lead after the first of five ends, boosted by a 10 on her final shot.

Lee started the second end with a 10, putting the pressure on her French opponent.

But back-to-back 10s for Rigault Chupin have her a 57-53 lead at the end of two ends.

The winner moves onto the quarterfinals.

Boccia: Daniel Michel faces William Arnott

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Daniel Michel is up in his final preliminary round match in the men’s individual BC3.

Michel is facing William Arnott from Great Britain.

The Aussie has won both of his previous preliminary matches.

Para archery: Melissa-Anne Tanner defeated by Britain’s Phoebe Paterson Pine

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Australia’s Melissa-Anne Tanner has been beaten by Phoebe Paterson Pine, 140-136.

Paterson Pine squared the match in the third end, scoring one more point than the Australian.

The pair were locked up at 82-82, with two ends to go.

The fourth end proved to be decisive, with the Brit scoring 29 points, compared to 26 by the Aussie.

Trailing by three points heading into the final end, Tanner needed to be perfect and put up a great fight.

Her final three shots scored 10, 9 and 9.

But it wasn’t enough as Tanner went down 140-136.

Para archery: Aussie Tanner holders narrow lead after two ends

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Five ends. Fifteen shots.

Whoever has the most points at the end wins.

Melissa-Anne Tanner holds a 55-54 lead after two ends.

Tanner got out to an early lead after the first of five ends.

A perfect 10 with her final arrow in the opening end gave her a 28-27 lead.

The Australian needed a nine to retain her lead with the final hot of the second end, which she nailed.

Para archery: Melissa-Anne Tanner is up in the women’s individual compound open

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This is an elimination match for Australia’s Melissa-Anne Tanner.

She is facing Phoebe Paterson Pine from Great Britain.

The winner will move on to the quarterfinals.

Faces of our day three medallists

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Para cyclist Amanda Reid smiling and holding her gold medal
Amanda Reid.(Reuters)
Para athlete Michael Roeger smiling and holding his silver medal
Michael Roeger.(Reuters)
Madison de Rozario smiling with her bronze medal
Madison de Rozario.(Reuters)

Para archery: Aussie archers are the next athletes in action

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We have a little lull in the action for the next few minutes.

Para archery is the next sport with Australian athletes in it.

We have two match-ups in the women’s individual compound open.

Melissa-Anne Tanner (AUS) vs Phoebe Paterson Pine (GB) — 12:38am AEST

Ameera Lee (AUS) vs Julie Rigault Chupin (FRA) — 12:55am AEST

What medal events are Aussies involved in this morning?

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Good morning to those in the eastern states and territory. 

SA, NT, WA and other territories — I love you too.

It is midnight AEST as we press forward with all the action on day three of the Paris 2024 Paralympic Games.

Here are all the Aussies in medal action this morning:

Para swimming

  • 1:37am: Women’s 100m backstroke S12 final — Jena Jones🏅
  • 1:44am: Men’s 200m freestyle S14 final — Jack Ireland 🏅
  • 1:51am: Women’s 200m freestyle S14 final — Madeleine McTernan and Ruby Storm 🏅
  • 1:59am: Men’s 100m backstroke S8 final — Jesse Aungles🏅

Para athletics

  • 3:08am: Women’s shot put F37 final — Ella Hose 🏅
  • 4:11am: Women’s 100m final T38 — Rhiannon Clarke 🏅

*Para table tennis

  • 4:15am: Women’s doubles WD20 final — Lina Lei and Qian Yang🏅

*the para table tennis is a gold medal match, meaning Lina Lei and Qian Yang are guaranteed at least silver

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The MEPs who actually matter

This article is part of the Brussels Survival Guide.

There’s plenty to pay attention to in the new cohort entering the European Parliament — including, of course, the people. See below our guide on key figures across the policy palette.

Céline Imart

AGRICULTURAL DISRUPTOR
European People’s Party, France

A cereal farmer from Occitania in France, she is a trade unionist and Sciences Po Paris graduate. Imart, who will most likely join the agriculture committee (AGRI) in the European Parliament, participated in blocking the A68 highway during farmers’ protests in France earlier this year, according to local media, and has close links with French farming unions. She recently supported an alliance with the far-right National Rally in France as she stood by her conservative party’s leader Eric Ciotti — who consequently got ousted for it. 

She believes the European Union’s plan to make agri-food more sustainable — the Farm to Fork strategy — is a “delusion” of French liberal lawmaker and former environment committee (ENVI) chair Pascal Canfin. Imart also told French media Libération that farmers are “exasperated by requirements” and angry at “the madness of degrowth.”

Paula Andrés

Johan Van Overtveldt

BANKING INFLUENCER
European Conservatives and Reformists, Belgium

Strictly speaking, the European Central Bank enjoys treaty-bound independence from politics. But if there’s anyone with a decent shot at influencing the future course of Frankfurt’s policy, look no further than Van Overtveldt, a former Belgian finance minister and journalist whose withering critiques of the ECB’s foray into “green central banking” may soon have added weight due to the rise of his generally climate change-skeptic political grouping, the European Conservatives and Reformists.

An outspoken and prolific member of the influential ECON Committee, Van Overtveldt has long complained about the ECB’s controversial green turn under Christine Lagarde. For all its independence, the institution is obliged to support EU economic policy, and it won’t be able to ignore any rightward shift away from net-zero targets led by politicians like Van Overveldt.

If he remains chair of the budget committee, the hawkish Van Overtveldt will also have a say in the enforcement of the EU’s fiscal rules — which carry considerable implications for monetary policy.

Ben Munster

Andreas Schwab

COMPETITION POWERBROKER
European People’s Party, Germany

He’s a veteran of the European Parliament and an influential powerbroker on all things antitrust and tech. Schwab played a starring role in shaping the bloc’s flagship Digital Markets Act. Now governments in the United Kingdom, Japan and South Korea are getting their own versions of the rule book to help tame Big Tech’s dominance. He’s also the rare member of European Parliament to make international headlines with his 2014 call for the European Commission to consider breaking up Google. 

Edith Hancock and Giovanna Faggionato

Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann

HEAVY HITTER ON DEFENSE
Renew Europe, Germany

Among those entering the hemicycle for the first time, German liberal firebrand Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann has some name recognition baked in.

That’s because the former chair of the Bundestag’s defense committee has been plastered across massive billboards around Germany and beyond in the run-up to the EU election since she was placed top of the list for the Renew faction.

Despite a less-than-stellar performance in the campaign, Strack-Zimmermann is still poised to be one of the big beasts entering this legislature — with some appropriate experience, given the war in Ukraine.

The native of Düsseldorf is big on defense, having pored over every detail of Germany’s military policy and procurement over the last few years. She also hasn’t been afraid to break ranks with the government (of which her Free Democratic Party is a part) over its failure to dispatch Taurus long-distance cruise missiles to Ukraine.

Expect Strack-Zimmermann to play a major part in the debate over whether to forge a full-fledged defense committee within Parliament this time around.

Joshua Posaner

Pascal Canfin

GREEN STANCHION
Renew Europe, France

As chair of the European Parliament’s environment committee (ENVI) for the last five years, Canfin played a vital role erecting numerous pillars of the EU’s Green Deal. Canfin has told POLITICO he wants to remain in that role. But he’s facing stronger political headwinds this time around — the mood has soured both EU-wide and within France on green policies.

Canfin, a former Green lawmaker before joining French President Emmanuel Macron’s party in 2019, insists the EU election didn’t produce “a majority to dismantle the Green Deal.” Fair enough — but Europe’s right is certainly lining up at least a few green targets it wants to pick off. And don’t expect much new environmental legislation.

Nicolas Camut, Cory Bennett

Stéphanie Yon-Courtin

FINANCIAL DEALMAKER
Renew Europe, France

Yon-Courtin made a name for herself as one of the economic and monetary affairs committee’s (ECON) most controversial MEPs last mandate for her unorthodox negotiating style and industry-friendly stance on EU retail investment rules

Hailing from French President Emmanuel Macron’s Renaissance party, which was wiped out by the far right during the election, she was reelected by a hair’s breadth, as 13th on the party’s list for 13 seats won. 

Yon-Courtin, who also followed Big Tech files last time around and had a side job working for the French bank Crédit Agricole until her election in 2019, will likely retain leadership of the retail investment file, which is now heading for final negotiations with EU governments and the Commission. 

She is also positioning herself to take part in the EU’s economic security push, praising new tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles and saying “pragmatic Europe at the heart of the territories is the commitment of my mandate!”

Kathryn Carlson

Vytenis Andriukaitis

HEALTH ADVOCATE
Socialists and Democrats, Lithuania

Born in Siberia to parents living in exile, Vytenis Andriukaitis returned to Lithuania and became a trauma and heart surgeon. Despite his surgical duties, his career path led him to politics, where he adopted a leftist approach. He kept his health background alive, eventually becoming Lithuania’s health minister in 2012. 

Two years later, Andriukaitis left national politics to join the Commission as commissioner for health and food safety, where he ushered through medical devices regulations, which have so far caused all manner of headache for industry and patients. Will he seek to fix it as an MEP?

Since 2020, he has been a special envoy of the World Health Organization for universal health coverage in the European region. He advocates for expanding the EU’s role in health and is a critic of the “weak” Lisbon Treaty when it comes to health policy. 

Giedre Peseckyte

Adina Vălean

TRANSPORT SPECIALIST
European People’s Party, Romania

Current Transport Commissioner Adina-Ioana Vălean is expected to leave her seat in the College to take up her MEP job — which won’t be new to her, as she has been sitting in the Parliament for more than 10 years (holding relevant posts such as vice president, and chair of the ENVI and ITRE committees). 

While Romania could pick her again as a commissioner, the chances of a second mandate at the Berlaymont for Vălean seem slim. However, her experience in the transport sector is likely to play in her favor when political groups assign the top jobs and dossiers in the new legislature. And the TRAN Committee chair remains vacant after Karima Delli didn’t stand for reelection. 

In the last five years, Vălean had to negotiate delicate dossiers concerning the road, rail, maritime and aviation sectors. She also had to deal with border closures within the single market due to Covid and the war in Ukraine, including the establishment of solidarity lanes with the country invaded by Russia. Why not put all this wealth of experience to the service of the Parliament?

— Tommaso Lecca

Peter Liese

SOLDIER OF INDUSTRY
European People’s Party, Germany

Several Green Deal policies have targets on their backs right now — and Liese is the EPP’s chief archer. Immediately after his group claimed victory in the European election, the high-ranking politician declared that a 2035 ban on the sale of combustion engine cars “needs to go,” arguing the election results vindicate his party’s push for a less restrictive Green Deal.

He has also led the charge against the new EU law to restore nature — successfully weakened in Parliament and squeaking by in the Council — as well as a long-awaited and now long-delayed revision of EU chemicals legislation.

A proposed phaseout of ubiquitous, toxic “forever chemicals” is also in his crosshairs: He’s been lobbying hard for assurances of industry carve-outs from Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. 

Brussels should “reduce all the legislation that stands in the way of the decarbonization,” he told POLITICO in an interview. Cue applause from business groups and moans from environmental nongovernmental organizations.

Leonie Cater

Aura Salla and Dóra Dávid

META MAGNETS
European People’s Party, Finland
European People’s Party, Hungary

Meta magnates

They are a package deal: Both are new to the European Parliament, and both have or had links to United States tech giant Meta.

Salla used to run around Brussels, presenting EU officials and lawmakers with Meta’s talking points, as the top lobbyist for Meta in town between 2020 and 2023. Last year, she moved on to become a lawmaker in Finland, her home country.

Dávid is the company’s product counsel but has now been elected in Hungary, for the party of Viktor Orbán rival Péter Magyar. Does this mean Meta has an easy way in? Not necessarily — but Salla has already said she wants to roll back “overregulation” in tech to help Finnish small and medium-sized enterprises. 

Pieter Haeck

Bernd Lange

TRADE DEAL MAVEN
Socialists and Democrats, Germany

Trade deal maven

A key figure for trade policy, returning EU lawmaker Bernd Lange has chaired the Parliament’s international trade committee (INTA) since 2014 — and it’s no secret he is eying yet another turn at the helm of the committee. 

The veteran lawmaker and fan of collectible cars was reelected despite heavy losses suffered by his Social Democratic Party in Germany, as he ranked fourth on his party’s national list. A strong proponent of new trade deals with the Mercosur bloc of South American countries, Australia and Indonesia — as well as more sustainability provisions in trade deals — the MEP is a member of the Parliament’s delegation for relations with the ASEAN bloc of Asian nations and an expert on transatlantic relations.

Antonia Zimmermann

CORRECTION: This article has been updated to clarify that Stéphanie Yon-Courtin stopped working for Crédit Agricole in 2019.



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Are French and Italian far-right and far-left free of antisemitism?

Far-right parties in France and Italy struggle against the blunders of their own extremists while being vocally pro-Israel. Meanwhile, the far-left pro-Palestinian narrative often skids into a fierce anti-Israeli rhetoric.

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A lack of clarity concerning their respective past has prevented the French and Italian far-right parties from being fully perceived by public opinion as ordinary, mainstream political forces.

Despite their relative electoral success, unresolved issues from their histories seem to be casting a shadow over their contemporary iteration.

Anti-semitic leftovers are still present among their more extreme supporters, making it hard for their leadership to be fully integrated into the national and European establishment.

Is National Rally truly pro-Israel?

Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) is expected to win a relative majority in the French parliament, yet it could hardly form a government as, despite their deep divisions, its antagonist parties gathered in an electoral cordon sanitaire, known as the Republican Front coalition.

Is the anti-fascist “no pasarán”* rally call still an objective constitutional and political ground to exclude the far-right from the executive and justify broad platform alliances while being highly flexible on ideology?

According to Jean-Pierre Darnis, a professor of International relations and Franco-Italian relations from the University of Nice and the LUISS University in Rome: “We have to state that the RN has evolved, we can state that Marine Le Pen has taken distances from her father (Jean-Marie Le Pen).” “New convergences have appeared in the RN, and now, the party has a varied sociology.”

“Despite the fact that the old antisemitic component has not completely disappeared from the roots of the party, since the conflict in Gaza, the party has taken an anti-Islam position.”

“It has shifted to the anti-Islam approach away from antisemitism because in France the RN antagonises the left and the far left that has certain militants that are pro-Palestinians and pro-Gaza,” Darnis told Euronews.

Is this pro-Israeli stance enough to win over the public opinion in France and in Europe?

“The (electoral) tactic of the RN is to try to reassure and perhaps will reassure a conservative and reactionary part of the Jewish community in France,” concluded Darnis.

In an interview Thursday on the French radio station Sud Radio, Marine Le Pen said that “those in France who support Hamas have been just promoting Hamas’ interests.”

“Hamas is the worst solution for the Palestinians because it conducts terrorist attacks and it uses the civilians as human shields,” she added.

Serge Klarsfeld, a French-Jewish historian and Nazi hunter, spoke out in her support.

“Marine Le Pen is the head of a party which supports Israel and supports the Jews against Islam and against the killing of Jews during the last 10 or 20 years. And I support the votes for Marine Le Pen because I believe that she says the truth when she supports Israel and the Jews. It’s very simple.”

Marine Le Pen took over from her father in 2011, and the far-right party rebranded in 2018.

Yet Shannon Seban, a French Jewish centrist candidate from Ivry-sur-Seine in the southeastern suburbs of Paris, doesn’t trust the new sympathetic approach of the National Rally towards the Jewish community.

“They’ve wanted to present themselves as a respectable party. They’ve wanted to present themselves as a shield, a protection against antisemitism for French Jews. But we won’t be fooled. The National Rally will remain the National Front of Jean-Marie Le Pen and I can’t forget that they have a racist, xenophobic ideology.”

Radical left (LFI): Recurringly antisemitic or just once?

From the start of the IDF’s operations in Gaza last October, the French radical left has taken a staunch pro-Palestinian position.

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The radicalisation of the political struggle in France has harshened the rhetoric on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and periodically crossed the boundaries between the legitimate political critics against the Israeli action in Gaza and the extremist anti-Zionist narrative.

The generalized anti-Israeli narrative has ignited and increased the number of antisemitic episodes.

The result is that the radical left’s Unbowed France (LFI) has turned into the bogeyman of the New Popular Front and the anti-far-right bloc, which encompasses the political spectrum from the far-left to the centrists.

The perplexity concerning LFI’s criticism of Israel and episodic aggressive anti-Zionist rhetoric has been one of the main obstacles to getting the Republican front together quickly.

Sebang has also voiced her deep disappointment in the radical left narrative:

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“Hate speech has flourished since 7 October 7. And because of my surname, my first name, my origins, there’s been an outpour of antisemitism against me. I’ve never wanted to have protection, but I think it’s become necessary to carry on with my campaign and more importantly, because I won’t back down”.

“When at the market, I’m told, ‘This is far-left territory, it’s the New Popular Front (turf). Go away, you have nothing to do here.’ I say to them, ‘No, I have a place here even if I have different ideas than them. What I fight for is the Republic.'”

“There have been some critiques a few weeks or months ago in the French political arena, some members of LFI have been accused of being antisemitic. This is a fact,” said Darnis.

“At the very same time last week, the left coalition of the NFI decided to propose a common platform, and the first item of the platform was to acknowledge the fact that the 7 October attack against Israel was a terrorist attack.”

How do you handle embarrassing incidents?

Whereas the National Rally in France has still to reach the needed majority to rule the country, far-right Brothers of Italy’s leader Giorgia Meloni has been prime minister for two years.

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Last week, Meloni had to face an embarrassing moment when a journalistic investigation by the Italian online outlet FanPage recently unveiled the antisemitic, Fascist and Nazi behaviour of some members of the Brothers of Italy’s youth.

To what extent are the French and the Italian cases comparable?

“For sure, there are still antisemitic remains hidden among the right-wing. They surface as soon as one digs a little. On the left, instead, there are fringes that claim it more openly, and this is a problem concerning the more radical (leftist) movements,” said Gaetano Quagliariello, professor of contemporary history at the LUISS University of Rome.

As soon as Meloni became prime minister, her government abandoned the political sympathies for Moscow that some sectors of the Brothers of Italy had when the party was in opposition.

At the same time, Meloni boosted Italy’s traditional pro-transatlantic foreign policy, backed Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Ukraine with a completely new narrative, and, in particular, offered full political support to Israel during the Gaza crisis, avoiding any open criticism of the conservative PM Benyamin Netanyahu’s actions.

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“Meloni’s foreign policy has resolved the ambiguities (coming from her past) in this period. The uncertainty for Meloni comes from the fact that the positions of her leadership have not been absorbed by the collective body of her political base,” Quagliariello, who also served as the Italian minister for the constitutional reforms in the big tent government led by Enrico Letta, told Euronews.

After the journalistic investigation made public the antisemitic actions of her party’s youth wing, Meloni released a long letter against these acts.

“Meloni’s letter is perhaps too long and self-victimising, but it is also a powerful commitment, telling (the fascists of the party) you are not simply wrong — you actually don’t belong to our new political path,” Quagliariello said.

Are these sincere commitments or realpolitik-style political concessions to domestic and international public opinion?

The Italian post-fascist MSI movement became the National Alliance party in 1994, when Meloni was about to become one of its youngest representatives.

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When the National Alliance put aside its fascist legacy, the conservative electorate in Italy converged on the new party, which was set to become a democratic constitutional-conservative right-wing force.

“This function in France was played by the Gaullists. They were historically anti-fascist and anti-Nazi. Charles de Gaulle was the head of the French resistance during WWII. His heirs have a clear sheet of Republican (Constitutional) political legitimacy,” said Quagliariello.

Today, de Gaulle’s heirs have been surpassed by the RN, who are seen as the political descendants of the Vichy regime.

Marine Le Pen has undertaken a process of ideological purification in the last years when she cut political relations with her father, Jean-Marie.

“I think, and also the Italian example indicates that, when you get into power, when you get into coalition, one has to moderate the views if one is on the extreme, because you only gain power getting in a way to the centre. Also because they need to enlarge the majority,” concluded Darnis.

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The dirty little secret no politician will admit: There is no way to ‘go for growth’

Investment professionals and politicians who spurned Liz Truss’s “go for growth” strategy for the British economy are slowly waking up to an uncomfortable truth.

The former U.K. Prime Minister’s plan, which relied on unfunded tax cuts that were perceived to be inflationary, may have been the only growth plan for Europe’s economies to escape over-indebtedness and low productivity without having to turn to austerity or greater state control of the economy. Not that any of them are prepared to admit it.

Britain’s Institute of Fiscal Studies on Monday described parties’ reluctance to admit as much on Monday as “a conspiracy of silence” arguing Labour’s pledge to rule out tax hikes was a “mistake.” “We wish Labour had not made those tax locks and it will be difficult [politically] to break,” IFS director Paul Johnson said about the party currently leading the polls.

But it’s not just British politicians who are refusing to face up to reality. In France, where an impending snap parliamentary election threatens to empower extremists on both sides of the political spectrum — to the cost of President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist Renaissance party — there is a similar reluctance to admit there are only bad options on the table.

French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire highlighted last week, after French bonds began to wobble, that anything short of centrism risks placing France under the supervision of Brussels and the International Monetary Fund.

What he failed to point out is that even supposedly sensible centrists face having to do the unthinkable in the longer run.

“They have to go to financial repression because high growth as a strategy out of over-indebtedness is not going to be funded by the bond market,” Russell Napier, an influential investment advisor who authors the Solid Ground newsletter, told POLITICO. “I think it doesn’t matter who you vote for, you end up with roughly the same thing. So the market’s not maybe saying ‘we’re very sanguine about Labour [in the U.K.].’ They’re just saying: ‘It doesn’t really matter who you vote for. We are heading toward this route.’”

Incoming financial repression

That route, in Napier’s opinion, means it’s time for financial repression: putting a lid on the free movement of capital and having the government and other technocratic institutions increasingly determine which sectors benefit from public sector funding, and even more critically, from private sector funding too.

The pathway takes Europe much closer to the dirigiste policies that dominated the continent in the post-war period and away from the market-based liberalism that investors have become used to over the past four decades.

Truss’s risky tax cuts had hoped to avoid a push towards state-guided credit rationing by unleashing the power of the private sector and the financial industry to stimulate such a high rate of growth that the accompanying inflation just wouldn’t matter — especially if the Bank of England’s interest rate policy acted in support.

But the dilemma facing France, one of the EU’s largest economies, encapsulates three further political complexities: Paris does not control its own monetary policy, its public sector spending capacity is restricted by fiscal rules created in Brussels — which it is now officially in breach of — and any move to direct private sector financing domestically could clash with the bloc’s greater efforts to create a single capital markets and banking union.

That doesn’t leave much wiggle room for any incoming French government to experiment with a “dash for growth”, either of the free-market Truss variety, or — which is more relevant for France — the free-spending government interventionist one.

Politicization of the ECB

For Macron, the stakes are abundantly clear. In a speech to the Sorbonne University in April, he said: “We must be clear on the fact that our Europe, today, is mortal. It can die. It can die, and that depends entirely on our choices. But these choices must be made now.”

But in the same speech he, too, advocated a wholesale reordering of Europe’s economic framework largely because he — like the populists on either side of him — can’t afford everything he wants.

The current economic model, he said, is no longer sustainable “because we legitimately want to have everything, but it doesn’t hold together.”

Like all of the French presidents of the last 25 years, Macron has faced this constraint on domestic policymaking by trying to co-opt the one institution that has no formal constraints on creating money out of thin air — the European Central Bank. In his Sorbonne speech, he stressed that “you cannot have a monetary policy whose sole objective is to address inflation.”

The ECB’s mandate can only be updated by changing the whole EU treaty, something for which Europe’s leaders have no appetite. But even within its current legal straitjacket, the ECB has found plenty of ways to support national governments when it can, with a sequence of tools and programs that have allowed it to buy their bonds and keep their borrowing costs below where they would naturally have been.

It’s the newest of these tools that is likely to play a key role in the next few weeks. The ECB has stopped net purchases of bonds as part of its broader policy to bring inflation down, but it has one tool — so far untested — that it can use to alleviate any market stress after the elections: the so-called Transmission Protection Instrument.

The TPI allows the ECB to buy the bonds of individual governments whose borrowing costs it considers out of step with macroeconomic fundamentals. The idea is to ensure that its single monetary policy applies reasonably equally across the whole euro area. But it creates substantial scope for the ECB to exercise financial repression on behalf of those it considers aligned with its own mission.

It implies that the ECB knows better than markets what the value of a government promise to pay is. And in not setting any ex ante limits to the scale of its interventions, it has bestowed upon itself enormous power to take on the markets if it disagrees with them strongly enough.

It’s this power that Macron may want to harness if he is still able to present a budget he can call his own after July. But by the same token, he will want to ensure that the ECB denies that support to his opponents if they emerge victorious, just as it did to Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi and Greece’s Alexis Tsipras a decade ago.

According to Napier, whether the ECB ultimately decides to use the TPI or not, the decision will have political implications, not least because it will change the parameters of what the central bank is really prepared to do save the euro, and on whose behalf.

“If you think Macron is an ally of the [European] project, then you don’t use it until after there’s some type of chaos,” Napier said.

Many things could still change between now and July 7. The far right National Rally’s Jordan Bardella, for example, has already walked back some of the party’s spendiest plans, aiming to reassure markets that conflict with the EU over its fiscal rules can be avoided.

But in an interview with the FT published on Thursday, Bardella upset the bond markets again by saying he’d campaign for a big rebate from the EU budget, only hours after his ally and mentor Marine Le Pen signaled that a National Rally government would try to wrest away Macron’s powers as commander-in-chief.

In other words, the threat of major market instability in July remains alive and well. And, as Napier put it: “If bond yields blow up in France they can blow up anywhere.”

(Additional reporting by Geoffrey Smith)

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Over-reliance on gas delays G7 transition to net-zero power

Three years ago, G7, a group of major industrialized countries that includes Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, committed to decarbonizing their power systems by 2035. It was a historic and hopeful moment, in which the group demonstrated global leadership, and made a first step toward what needs to become an OECD-wide commitment, according to the recommendation made by the International Energy Agency in its 2050 Net Zero Emission Scenario, setting the world on a pathway to keep global warming below 1.5 degrees.

As we approach the 2024 G7 summit, the ability of G7 countries to deliver on their power systems decarbonization commitment, not least to address the still-lingering fossil fuel price and cost-of-living crisis, but also to retain their global energy transition leadership, is put under scrutiny. So far, the G7 countries’ actual progress toward this critical goal is a mixed picture of good, bad, and ugly, as new analysis shows.

via G7 Power Systems Scorecard, May 2024, E3G

Most G7 countries are making steps on policy and regulatory adjustments that will facilitate a managed transition.

Grid modernization and deployment is, for example, finally starting to receive the attention it deserves. Some countries, such as the U.S., are also starting to address the issue of long-duration energy storage, which is crucial for a renewables-based power sector.

Coal is firmly on its way out in all G7 countries, except Japan, which is lagging behind its peers. This is where the challenges begin, as things like Japan’s unhealthy relationship with coal risk undermining credibility of the whole group as world leaders on energy transition.

Despite these efforts, all G7 countries are delaying critical decisions to implement transition pathways delivering a resilient, affordable and secure fossil-free power system where renewables – mostly wind and solar – play the dominant role. A tracker by campaign groups shows that other European countries have already engaged firmly in that direction.

Progress made so far is neither uniform, nor sufficient.

Further gaps vary by country, but overall, more action is needed on energy efficiency, non-thermal flexibility solutions, and restructuring power markets to facilitate higher renewable electricity and storage uptake. The EU’s recently adopted power market reform provides a solid framework for changes in this direction, at least for the EU-based G7 countries, but it remains to be seen how the EU’s new rules are going to be implemented on the national level.

Overall: Progress made so far is neither uniform, nor sufficient. For one, translation of the G7-wide target into a legislated national commitment is lacking in most G7 countries, in Europe and beyond. Moreover, the chance of G7 countries reaching their 2035 target is at risk, along with their global image as leaders on the energy transition, due to the lack of a clear, time-bound and economically-sound national power sector decarbonization roadmaps. Whether 100 percent or overwhelmingly renewables-based by 2035, today’s power systems will need to undergo an unprecedented structural change to get there.

For this change to take off, clear vision on how to decarbonize the ‘last mile’ while providing for a secure, affordable and reliable clean electricity supply, is crucial. Regrettably, today’s G7 long-term vision is betting on one thing: Gas-fired back-up generation. While there are nascent attempts to address the development of long-term storage, grids, flexibility and other balancing solutions, the key focus in most G7 countries is on planning for a massive increase in gas capacity.

Whether 100 percent or overwhelmingly renewables-based by 2035, today’s power systems will need to undergo an unprecedented structural change to get there.

All G7 countries but France have new gas power plants in planning or construction, with the growth shares the biggest in three European countries: Italy’s planning to boost its gas power fleet by 12 percent, the U.K. by 23.5 percent, and Germany by a whopping 28 percent. The US, which consumes one quarter of global gas-in-power demand, has the largest project pipeline in absolute terms – 37.8GW, the fourth largest pipeline in the world.

This gas infrastructure build-out contradicts the real-economy trend: In all European G7 countries gas demand has been dropping at least since the 2021-2022 energy crisis, driven particularly by the power sector decarbonization. Japan’s gas demand peaked in 2007, and Canada’s in 1996 (see IEA gas consumption data). Even G7 governments’ own future energy demand projections show further drop in gas demand by 2030, by one-fifth to one-third of today’s levels in all European G7 countries and Japan, and at least by 6-10 percent in Canada and the U.S.

Maria Pastukhova | Programme Lead – Global Energy Transition, E3G

Most G7 countries argue that this new gas power fleet will be used at a much lower capacity factor as a back-up generation source to balance variable renewables. Some, for example Germany, incentivize new gas power capacity build-out under the label of ‘hydrogen readiness’, assuming that these facilities will run on low-carbon hydrogen starting in 2035. Others, for example Japan or the U.S., are betting on abating gas power generation with carbon capture and storage technologies in the long-term.

Keeping gas power infrastructure in an increasingly renewables-based, decentralized power system using technology that may or may not work in time is a very risky gamble to take given the time left.

G7 countries have got no more than a decade left to act on their commitment to reach net-zero emissions power systems. We have readily-available solutions to deliver the major bulk of the progress needed: Grids, renewables, battery, and other short and mid-duration storage, as well as efficiency improvements. These technologies need to be drastically scaled now, along with additional solutions we will need by 2035, such as long-duration energy storage, digitalization, and educating skilled workers to build and operate those new power systems.

While available and sustainable, these solutions must be deployed now to deliver in time for 2035. Going forward, G7 can’t afford to lose any more time focusing on gas-in-power, which is on the way out anyway and won’t bring the needed structural transformation of the power system.



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Fear, a decisive force in these European elections

As the European Parliament elections approach, a growing sense of fear stemming from multiple — yet mutually reinforcing — sources seems to be the decisive force shaping electoral behaviour. Citizens of the EU experience uncertainty in the face of broad economic and cultural changes occurring at an unprecedented pace, coupled by unforeseen crises, such as Covid and the climate crisis, and the re-emergence of war conflicts, on a continent accustomed to peace for over half a century.

The survey

Last month, more than 10,800 European voters took a stand on the pressing issues and running challenges of the EU, as part of a large-scale comparative survey conducted by Kapa Research across 10 member countries (Bulgaria, Estonia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, and Spain) between May 4 and 24, 2024.

This survey goes beyond domestic dilemmas or voting intentions. Taking a closer look at emerging and established trends within European societies between 2019 and 2024, it examines what shapes the bloc’s social agenda today, citizen concerns about European and international issues, leadership expectations, and opinions about leading global figures. On question after question, responses reveal a strong undercurrent of fear impacting voting behaviour just days before June’s European elections, emanating from four critical realities.

Rising cost of living is the foremost concern for Europeans heading to the polls.

Fear cause No.1: Economic uncertainty

Rising cost of living is the foremost concern for Europeans heading to the polls. Inflation shocks that have stunned European economies during the post-pandemic period established a deep-rooted unease about people’s ability to make ends meet. Asked about issues that worry them most when thinking of today’s Europe, respondents, at an average of 47 percent , place “rising cost of living” as their top concern. The issue has become remarkably salient in countries like France (58 percent), Greece (55 percent), Romania (54 percent), Spain (49 percent), and Bulgaria (44 percent), yet, still, in the rest of the surveyed member countries the cost of living ends up among the top three causes of concern. This wide sense of economic uncertainty is further spurred by a lingering feeling of unfairness when it comes to the distribution of wealth: M ore than eight out of 10 (81 percent overall) sense that “in Europe, the rich are getting richer, and the poor are getting poorer”.

via Kapa Research

Anxiety transforms into fear when one realizes that the main political conflict has little to do with competing economic solutions to high living costs. Instead, it is more of a clash between systemic forces and extremists, primarily centred on the field of immigration and the perceived threat to the European way of life.

Fear cause No.2: Immigration

On the cultural front, since 2015, immigration in Europe has been a complex and multifaceted issue, with humanitarian and political implications. In our survey, immigration appears to be the second most important citizen concern with 37 percent (on average), while, at the same time, on the question of which areas should Europe focus on the next five years, calls for “stricter immigration control” are prevalent, with 36 percent of respondents across all surveyed countries ranking it as a top priority. This is notably evident in Germany (56 percent), in spite of its reputation as a welcoming country early in the migration crisis, and in Italy (40 percent), a hub-country into Europe for migrants and refugees. More importantly, the perception of immigration as a “threat to public order” is widespread, with 68 percent of respondents holding this view, compared to only 23 percent who see it as an “opportunity for a new workforce”.

via Kapa Research

Fear cause No.3: War on our doorstep

The return of war to Europe has reignited fears about security; conflicts in Ukraine and, more recently, in Gaza come into play as new factors impacting this year’s EU elections. In this survey, “the Russia-Ukraine war” is the third most pressing concern for 35 percent of respondents, only two percentage points below “immigration ”. Here geographical proximity is crucial as the issue is especially prominent in Estonia (52 percent), Hungary (50 percent), Poland (50 percent), and Romania (43 percent), all neighbouring countries to either Russia or Ukraine. Additionally, demand for immediate ceasefire on both fronts is prevalent: 65 percent believe that hostilities in Gaza “must stop immediately ”, while the same view is supported by 60 percent for the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

To this end, as the feeling of danger from wars and terrorism grows stronger, EU-UK relations become indirectly connected to the issue of security: 56% of respondents wish for a (re)alignment between Great Britain and the EU. At the same time, and compared to current leaders, former UK PM Tony Blair enjoys strong popularity ratings.

Fear cause No.4: The unknown reality of AI

Over time, technological advancement has been widely welcomed as a positive development for humanity, as a means of improving living conditions, and as a growth accelerator. The rapid rise of a rtificial i ntelligence in citizens’ day-to-day lives seems to be disrupting this tradition. Among the member countries surveyed, an average majority of 51 percent considers AI more as a “threat to humanity” rather than as an “opportunity” (31 percent ). Along the same vein, scepticism is reflected in the reluctance to embrace AI as a strategic goal for the EU in the next five years, with 54 percent opposing such a move.

via Kapa Research

Mixing all four of the above ingredients produces an explosive cocktail of fear within European societies.

Key takeaway

Mixing all four of the above ingredients produces an explosive cocktail of fear within European societies. While combined with the prevalent EU technocracy and the weak institutions-to-citizens communication, it is reasonable to expect mounted distrust and electoral consequences. Voters will use their ballot to send painful messages. However, our survey shows that the great majority still favo r strengthening the European acquis — security, freedom, democracy, growth, and social cohesion — and seek a competent leadership that can defend it.

via Kapa Research

See full survey report by Kapa Research here.



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Super Poll Q&A: Is EU-wide conservative coalition losing momentum?

The Euronews Super Polls foresee an election victory for the EPP, unprecedented growth for the ultraconservatives, and a slight increase for the socialists. Data suggest that crafting the future ruling coalition could turn out to be a political conundrum.

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According to the Euronews Super Polls, one thing looks certain: after the 6-9 June elections, the European Parliament will have a clear right-wing majority.

Furthermore, the forces of the conservative camp — from the centre-right to the far-right — will have to overcome deep rifts and contradictions among each other to craft a functional alliance.

Meanwhile, the conservative groups will hardly be able to join their forces in one strong coalition.

Socialist parties have been slightly and steadily growing for three months, while the liberal-democrats of Renew are on a fast-declining path.

Finally, here is a bit of trivia rather than political data: the only countries where the far right is expected to have a meaningless showing are Cyprus, Luxembourg and Malta.

We asked Boyd Wagner, chief analyst of the Euronews Polls Centre, to help us better understand the results of our latest Super Poll in nine representative EU countries.

Euronews: In Germany, the union’s largest economy, the Christian Democrats (CDU) are steadily leading the opinion polls. How do you comment on this?

Wagner: The EPP (European People’s Party) will continue to get its biggest boost from the German coalition, the German group, the CDU, and the CSU (German and Bavarian Christian Democrats, respectively).

We project them to be at about 30%. They should break the 30% threshold in Germany next week. And that should be a big boom for the EPP group.

Euronews: The far-right party Alternative for Germany seems to be losing some of its appeal to the German electorate and could be outpaced by the Social Democrats (SPD) as the second party. Is this due to the recent scandals and accusations against some of its members of being Russian influence agents and the declarations of sympathy to the SS by the head of the party’s European Parliament electoral list, Maximilian Krah?

Wagner: We might see a greater impact when the people go to vote in a week or so, in Germany, that the SS scandal has a greater impact. it’s really going to be probably the SS scandal because of the fact that it keeps them out of the (far-right) Identity and Democracy group in the European Parliament. So, just the reverberation of that scandal is going to have an effect on everything that is going to play out in the long term.

Euronews: In France, the landslide victory of Jordan Bardella, from Marine Le Pen’s National Rally, is a foregone conclusion. The gripping race is for the second position between two staunch pro-EU candidates, the Renaissance’s Valérie Hayer and the Socialist Party’s Raphaël Glucksman. Isn’t it?

Wagner: You can see the Socialist party in France really making big-time gains on Rennaisance’s heels. I think that is going to become their bigger concern for Macron and the group. I think that the Renaissance cannot afford to be looking at trying to make sure that they’re getting closer to the National Rally at this time; they need to make sure that they stay in the strong second place and don’t let the socialists come at their heels”

Euronews: Is Glucksman’s Socialist Party a real threat to the so-called “presidential majority” both in France and Europe?

Wagner: Rennaisance shouldn’t let the socialists come at their heels, as they’re doing right now, just with a little bit more than a week ahead of the election, as we kind of track these last set of numbers on a two-week bit on the two-week basis before we had. The Macron list is at 16.6%, and the Socialists are at just under 14%. So we’re now inching very, very, very close between those two parties right now.

Euronews: Italy is the other important piece of the EU’s far-right ultra-conservative camp. Post-fascist Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni steadily occupies the first position. We have assisted in the past couple of weeks with a cautious rapprochement between Meloni (her party is an ECR member) and the number one of the French opposition, Le Pen (her party is affiliated with Identity and Democracy). Do you think that they could be tempted to join their forces, create a new group, and let go of the project of a “pro-von der Leyen” conservative coalition (without Le Pen)?

Wagner: I certainly don’t think that PM Meloni would think that it’s the death of that possibility. If we include everybody in there, and I’m going to exclude the AfD — now that they’ve been excluded from the Identity and Democracy group — you have 60 to 65 seats from the ID, and you’re looking at over 80 seats from the ECR. That together becomes a formidable number two, potentially number two; they could be bigger than the S&D in the European Parliament. And that would mean that there is a strong right-wing that then needs to be considered.

Now, can the EPP still work with this? This is something that they’re going to have to consider. And at the end of the day, just having that many seats to the right of them is not enough. Either the EPP decides to get in coalition with them or not, or they decide to form a government with them.

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Either way, they’re going to have to reckon with the power that is on right now because it’s much more inflated than it had been previously.

Euronews: Let’s move now to Spain. Looking at the Euronews Super Poll, the Partido Popular is slightly leading the polls, followed by the socialist party, PSOE. Is Spain the last bastion of the mainstream parties of the European political tradition?

Wagner: The Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) was the largest party. They are the party of government right now in Spain. We don’t project them to be the winning party. But it’s not like you’re seeing some more right-wing party kind of coming to the fore to take that place. You’re not seeing the rise of Vox as much as we might have thought.

Instead, it’s kind of ending up as a fight between those two establishment parties, the Partido Popular and the PSOE. And, as we track them right now, it looks like it’s going to be the Partido Popular that is going to take the lead, but it’s still close to call.

As we kind of project things out, we’re looking at 25 MEPs for the EPP, for the PP in Spain, and we’re looking at just 20 for the PSOE and the S&P. Again, that’s a very unique one.

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Euronews: So, let me conclude that the EPP group will be a German-Polish-Spanish affair. What is your analysis of this?

Wagner: It’s very clear that it’s going to be driven by the Germans, driven by the Spanish. And, I think in third place, you probably will see the Polish. I think you’re right about that. The EPP will stand to benefit from it’s the Eastern flank of Europe.

I think on the eastern flank of Europe, you’re seeing a lot of these more traditional parties accumulate more votes than they had before. So I think that the EPP will do better there. But at the end of the day, there are just not as many MEPs and seats in the European Parliament to be found in some of those countries. So they’re really going to have to be buoyed by the Spanish, by the Germans, by the Polish.

Euronews: Romania is another interesting exercise in the fine art of political coalition design. Could the next European Parliament be inspired by the structure of the current ruling coalition in Romania?

Wagner: It certainly looks that way. We project the EPP to be the leader with about 11 members in the next European Parliament. We project the S&D to be right behind them with nine members. There’s seven for the ECR. And then you have five for the Renew group.

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Again, the hardest thing to track with Romania is just exactly because they’re running for their own national parliament elections as well.

Euronews: I would move to the Netherlands. Are they going to confirm the results of the recent national elections?

Wagner: The Netherlands is an interesting track because they had their own internal battles that they have been waging for some time, and it looks like they’re coming to some conclusions there.

It does look like I think that they will be confirming their own government in due time very soon. So, as we put it right now, you’re looking at nine MEPs from the Netherlands for the ID, so that’s it’s certainly a strong position to take on the right

Euronews: How about Belgium? They will also hold their Federal elections on the same day as the European elections.

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Wagner: Belgium is always a very tough one to put the finger on. You’re thinking about where we track with where members of the European Parliament are going to be sitting from Belgium. You also see again, there’s a strong rise in the right, just like you see in the Netherlands next door, just like you’re seeing in France next door.

It’s going to be very well-proportioned. From Flanders (Dutch-speaking region), we are going to see most of the right-wing voters. Whereas in Wallonia (French-speaking region) you’re going to see a stronger proportion of left voters.

Euronews: Regarding right-wingers, in Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s ultra-conservative Fidesz party is leading the poll, yet, for the first time, a new opposition party seems to be on the rise. Could Péter Magyar’s movement become a political threat to Orbán?

Wagner: We track them right now at almost 20% in the polls. That’s a very strong number for a group that is not technically a united opposition. Two years ago, when Hungary had its last national parliamentary elections, they ran as a united opposition, and they were able to achieve upwards of 30% of the vote, if I recall correctly. It still didn’t come close to achieving a victory over Prime Minister Orban. So 20% is not going to get them close in terms of an overall movement. I don’t really see it.

I mean, we still project for (Fidesz) to get over 40% of the vote in Hungary. They will maintain their spot as a clear leader, and they should double up on anybody. When you’re looking at Magyar, I think most of his voters are actually coming from some of the other former opposition or the other opposition parties.

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Von der Leyen faces Socialist revolt over her far-right flirtation with Meloni

Europe’s Socialists have warned Ursula von der Leyen they won’t back her for a second term as European Commission president if she continues to suggest she could work with hard-right MEPs aligned with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.

Perhaps most crucially — just as French President Emmanuel Macron visits Germany to try to forge Franco-German consensus on Europe’s political landscape after the June 6 to 9 election — even Chancellor Olaf Scholz and his Social Democratic Party are signaling that they are willing to torpedo a second term for von der Leyen.

Some even have a replacement in mind: former Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi. And that’s a choice that will go down well in Paris.

In multiple comments over recent days, high-ranking Socialists including Scholz and the SPD lead candidate for next month’s EU election Katarina Barley threatened to scuttle von der Leyen’s candidacy if she accepts the backing of the hard right to secure a majority in the European Parliament.

“We will not work with the far right,” Barley said on the Berlin Playbook podcast, reiterating the pledge made by the Socialists and Democrats, Renew Europe, the Greens and the Left to “never cooperate nor form a coalition with the far right and radical parties at any level.”

The comment was the latest sign of the left-leaning parties’ alarm at von der Leyen’s stance on Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party, which belongs to the right-wing European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament.

Von der Leyen, who hails from the center-right European People’s Party, has indicated that if she fails to secure a majority with the backing of center-left and liberal lawmakers after the EU election, she could work with the ECR

On Friday, Scholz warned von der Leyen against such a move, saying: “When the next Commission is formed, it must not be based on a majority that also needs the support of the far right.” He added that “the only way to establish a Commission presidency will be to base it on the traditional parties.”

Putting the boot in further, Nicolas Schmit, the Socialists’ lead candidate for the EU election, said in an interview published Sunday: “Von der Leyen wants us to believe that there are good right-wing extremists and bad ones.”

Meloni is “politically extremely right wing” and her vision is “certainly not a strong, integrated Europe,” Schmit said. “For Ms. von der Leyen, however, she is probably a conservative.”

The questions now are whether Scholz and his German Socialists would actually kibosh a second term for fellow German von der Leyen — and who they might have in mind to replace her.

One potential challenger to the incumbent is Draghi, the former European Central Bank chief.

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTION POLL OF POLLS

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For more polling data from across Europe visit POLITICO Poll of Polls.

Just last week, Draghi received the backing of one of Emmanuel Macron’s closest allies, Pascal Canfin, an MEP from the French president’s liberal Renaissance party who is known to have a direct line to the Élysée.

Asked by POLITICO whether France supports von der Leyen’s reelection bid, Canfin said: “France and everyone in the presidential ecosystem would like Draghi to play a role.”

Macron has long been rumored to be maneuvering to put Draghi at the head of the EU executive — and now he appears to have allies in Berlin.

Markus Töns, a German MP from the Social Democrats, told POLITICO’s Brussels Decoded: “Draghi has experience at the European level and knows the current challenges. I would have no problem seeing him in this position — he might even be better than Ursula von der Leyen.”

Ralf Stegner, an influential SPD member of the Bundestag, on Friday said: “If Emmanuel Macron is critical of another term for Ursula von der Leyen, who lacks sufficient clarity regarding alliances with the right-wing bloc, I have every sympathy for him.”

With both Paris and Berlin expressing dissatisfaction with her stance on working with the ECR, von der Leyen’s bid for a second term as Commission chief faces a serious challenge.

While von der Leyen is the EPP’s lead candidate going into the EU election, in theory making her a shoo-in for the post, she will require support from European leaders like Scholz, Macron and Meloni to secure it.

The electoral arithmetic is difficult as she will need 361 votes in an approval vote in the European Parliament, and the EPP is on course only for some 176 seats. The Socialists and Democrats are expected to win 144 and von der Leyen’s prospects will be in severe trouble if the center-left MEPs do not support her.

If they do decide to forgo EPP lead candidate von der Leyen in favor of a curveball, it wouldn’t be the first time: That was precisely the way von der Leyen herself got the job after the 2019 EU election, installed after leaders shunned the EPP’s Manfred Weber.

Macron is currently in Germany for the first state visit with full ceremonial honors by a French president in 24 years. Macron will meet Scholz in Berlin on Tuesday.

It’s hard to believe there won’t be any mention of the electoral mathematics — and of Meloni and Draghi.

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Sixth fatality reported in New Caledonia violence

French security forces reported another death in armed clashes in the French Pacific territory of New Caledonia on Saturday, the sixth fatality in nearly a week of violent unrest.

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The person was killed in an exchange of fire at one of the many impromptu barricades blocking roads on the island, according to a security official speaking on condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorised to discuss the situation publicly.

Two other people were seriously injured in the violence, the official said, confirming French media reports. The official said the firefight erupted at a blockade in the north of the main island, at Kaala-Gomen.

Noumea’s mayor, Sonia Lagarde, said that while overnight violence has eased, ”we are far from a return to normal.”

France has imposed a 11 day state of emergency in the archipelago following protests over voting reforms backed by the government in Paris.

About 1,000 reinforcements for the security services were deployed with increased powers to quell unrest in New Caledonia, which has a population of about 270,000 and whose indigenous population has long sought independence.

French authorities there and at the interior ministry in Paris said that six people, including two police officers, have been killed since Monday.

At least 60 members of the security forces were injured, and 214 people were arrested over clashes with police, arson and looting on Thursday. Two members of the island’s Indigenous Kanak community were among those killed.

High Commissioner Louis Le Franc announced stringent measures Friday under the state of emergency, which will run for at least 11 days, with a curfew in effect from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. French military forces were deployed to protect ports and airports and free up police troops.

“Exceptions to this curfew include essential public service personnel, urgent medical travel, and critical night-time activities,” Le Franc said. He added that curfew violations would result in penalties of up to six months in prison and a fine.

Speaking to broadcaster BFM-TV, Lagarde described the damage caused as ”incredible”.

”It’s a spectacle of desolation. The situation is not improving — quite the contrary — despite all the appeals for calm,” she said, describing the capital, Noumea as ”under siege”.  

The Pacific island group east of Australia, 10 time zones ahead of Paris, is known to tourists for its UNESCO World Heritage atolls and reefs. Tensions have simmered for decades between the Kanaks, who seek independence and the descendants of colonists who want it to remain part of France.

People of European descent in New Caledonia, which has long served as France’s prison colony and now has a French military base, distinguish between descendants of colonists and those who trace their ancestry to the prisoners sent to the territory by force.

Le Franc announced that reinforcements would focus on regaining control of areas in the territorial capital, Noumea, that remain out of control, including Kamere, Montravel, and parts of La Vallee du Tir.

“Reinforcements will be arriving to control the areas that have escaped us in recent days,” he said.

Despite a measure of calm, violence continued in some areas, with fires set on Thursday night at a school and two businesses. Hundreds of extra military and police have arrived in New Caledonia, where roads are littered with debris, and armoured vehicles patrol the streets. It is the worst outbreak of violence in New Caledonia since the 1980s, with palm-lined boulevards in Noumea turned into battlegrounds.

Le Franc announced that a murder suspect surrendered to authorities on Friday, with others still being sought. Prime Minister Gabriel Attal said that about 1,000 extra security forces would be sent to New Caledonia, adding to the 1,700 already present, and authorities would push for “the harshest penalties for rioters and looters.”

French Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin said TikTok had been banned because it was being used by protesters, a decision the social media company called “regrettable.”

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Thierry de Greslan, a representative from the hospital in Noumea, expressed concern over the deteriorating situation, worsened by roadblocks in the city.

“We estimate that three or four people may have died due to lack of access to medical care,” de Greslan said. He added that around 50 dialysis patients had been unable to receive their treatments.

“We are having great difficulty bringing our patients and health care workers in. Teams have been working since Monday and are exhausted,” he said.

The number of visits to emergency rooms dropped significantly, with a 50% decrease recently and an 80% reduction on Thursday.

“We are in an urban guerrilla situation with nightly gunshot wounds,” de Greslan said.

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The hospital’s operating rooms are running around the clock, and while the staff is prepared for immediate crises, de Greslan expressed concern about the future.

“We are ready to face this, but I worry about the ‘rebound’ effect on patients not currently receiving care and who are extremely stressed,” he said.

French lawmakers approved changes to the French Constitution on Tuesday that would allow residents who have lived in New Caledonia for 10 years to vote in provincial elections. Independence supporters argue that this change would further marginalise the Kanak community, which makes up about 40% of the population.

The voting reform must still be approved by a joint session of both houses of the French parliament. Macron has indicated that lawmakers will vote to adopt the constitutional change by the end of June unless New Caledonia’s opposing sides can strike a new deal.

A videoconference between Macron and New Caledonian lawmakers planned for Thursday was cancelled as “the different players did not want to speak to one another,” his office said.

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Meanwhile, authorities have detained about 200 of an estimated 5,000 rioters, and security forces placed five suspected independence activists accused of organising violence under house arrest. Sixty-four of the injured are police and security forces.

Darmanin also accused Azerbaijan of interference following visits by several independence leaders, a claim denied by the government in Baku.

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