Why oil is down since the Hamas-Israel conflict started and whether that can last

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Recent escalations remind us of the need to combat disinformation

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

There is no doubt that with disinformation becoming more widespread, we are in a war against weaponised information, Oliver Rolofs writes.

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Today’s information society offers a lecture on the relativity of truth. 

Across the world, there are masters at work in the art of bending the facts. And where the truth no longer matters, it becomes easier to wage war.

But disinformation is not a new concern. As early as 1710, the Irish satirist Jonathan Swift wrote in The Examiner: “Falsehood flies, and the Truth comes limping after it.” 

Two centuries later, Britain’s legendary Prime Minister Winston Churchill noted: “A lie gets halfway around the world before the truth has a chance to get its pants on.”

The wisdom of Churchill’s words was tragically demonstrated again just two weeks ago, when we witnessed Hamas and other malign actors apparently pursue this approach to instrumentalise their supporters. 

Upon investigation, some of the widely shared images of the alleged Israeli rocket attack on a hospital in Gaza appear to be a tragic, yet effective example of disinformation. 

Yet for many observers, clear Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) analysis counted for little, as it did not fit into their preconceived narrative. 

This kind of disinformation — whether practised by extremists, state actors like China, Russia, Iran, or other fake news-producing powers, all further enabled by social media platforms, messenger services and AI-based solutions such as ChatGPT — is increasingly a threat to global peace and stability.

Truthfully portraying facts-based reality

For centuries, nation-states have promulgated laws addressing the propagation of falsehoods, and on issues such as defamation, fraud, false advertising and perjury. 

However, current discussions on disinformation reflect a new and rapidly evolving communications landscape, in part due to innovative technologies that enable the dissemination of unparalleled volumes of content at unprecedented speeds.

In his 2022 report on countering disinformation, UN Secretary-General António Guterres explored the challenges of navigating this qualitatively different media landscape and ensuring it advances, rather than undermines, human rights and international peace and security. 

States, but especially tech companies, have a duty to take appropriate steps to address these harmful impacts. This is not an easy task, as they need to simultaneously limit any infringement on rights, including the right to freedom of opinion and expression.

The 1978 UNESCO Media Declaration could be a useful guiding light in this, however. Even in today’s technological age, it could serve as a moral compass for states, tech and media companies providing any sort of communication service. 

The tasks for the media formulated in the UNESCO declaration — to contribute to the strengthening of peace and international understanding, to promote human rights and to fight racism, antisemitism, apartheid and warmongering — are more relevant than ever.

Media, journalists, as well as social media platforms and messenger services are challenged to truthfully portray reality based on facts, especially in this digital age where every person can be a publisher with unprecedented reach. 

By taking this principle to heart, the antagonism of conflict and the polarisation of societies around the globe can be overcome.

The European approach, a solid blueprint

There is no doubt that we are facing greater challenges on this front than ever before. 

Platforms for dialogue and cooperation are crucial. International forums, especially those that bring together the Global North and Global South, such as the Global Media Congress in Abu Dhabi or the Deutsche Welle Global Media Forum in Bonn, in addition to UN formats, can give this issue the space it needs to drive a strong approach at the global level.

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There is much to discuss. Combating disinformation is a complex challenge. While it is a global issue, the European approach can provide solid guidance for a multilayered approach. 

It includes, via the EU Digital Services Act (DSA), new regulations on online platforms and improving EU citizens’ information environment by building transparency and security safeguards and holding tech companies accountable. 

The DSA is strengthened through the EU Code of Practice on Disinformation, a strong albeit voluntary set of commitments from tech and media firms.

Further Europe-led approaches include the EU vs Disinfo website and database to highlight Russia’s influence campaigns against the EU, its member states, and allies. 

More projects that actively engage society, like in the case of Finland, which has elevated the way citizens separate fact from fiction through effective media literacy toolkits, are also needed.

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Across the Atlantic, new collaborative human-technological solutions — like the Public Editor project, a collective intelligence system that labels specific reasoning mistakes in the daily news, so we can all learn to avoid biased thinking now also implemented in Europe — could usefully further efforts in the fight against disinformation. 

War against weaponised information

There is no doubt that with disinformation becoming more widespread, we are in a war against weaponised information. 

Communicators, politicians, media and opinion leaders need to work together across borders, and they need a whole set of instruments to combat it effectively. 

Investing in quality journalism, fact-based education and regulation, and using technologies such as social listening tools are the arsenal we need to help identify and defuse emerging threats before the world is thrown into outright turmoil.

Oliver Rolofs is a strategic security and communication expert and Director of the Vienna-based Austrian Institute for Strategic Studies and International Cooperation (AISSIC). Previously the Head of Communications at the Munich Security Conference, he also runs the Munich-based strategy consultancy, CommVisory.

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Matildas defeat Iran 2-0 in first Olympic qualifier

Sam Kerr has come off the bench to score the clincher in front of her hometown fans in the Matildas’ 2-0 Olympic qualifier win over Iran in Perth.

In front of 18,798 fans on Thursday night, Ellie Carpenter opened the scoring in the 19th minute before Kerr sealed the deal with her 78th-minute tap-in.

Matildas coach Tony Gustavsson warned on the eve of the match that he wouldn’t be throwing his jet-lagged stars into the deep end, and a glimpse at the bench proved those words to be true.

Kerr, Mackenzie Arnold, Katrina Gorry, Kyra Cooney-Cross, Caitlin Foord, Stephanie Catley, Hayley Raso, Alanna Kennedy and Mary Fowler all started on the sideline.

With the scoreline still just 1-0 at the 65-minute mark in a match Australia were predicted to win easily, Gustavsson brought on Kerr, Catley and Fowler in a triple substitution.

The move worked a charm, with the trio joining forces to create Australia’s second goal.

Catley combined with Fowler for a one-two before firing a low pass across goal, allowing Kerr to complete an easy tap-in.

Foord, Raso, Arnold and Gorry were among the unused substitutes.

The Matildas enjoyed 82 per cent possession in the first half, and a neat run down the right from Cortnee Vine helped set up the opener.

Vine’s cross made its way to Charlotte Grant, who passed it off to Carpenter to rifle the ball home for just her fourth goal in 70 appearances for Australia.

Ellie Carpenter opened the scoring for Australia.(AAP Image: Richard Wainwright)

Carpenter almost had a second in the 31st minute when she was played in and only had the goalkeeper to beat, but her shot from an angle was well wide of the target.

Iran’s players did their best to waste time whenever the chance arose.

Theatrical rolls on the ground were a common theme in the first half, much to the frustration of Matildas.

Adding to Australia’s frustrations was their own inability to finish off their chances.

Kerr received a rousing reception when she was brought on in the 65th minute.

The star Chelsea striker fired a 72nd-minute strike over the crossbar, but she made no mistake from her tap-in six minutes later.

Kerr had a golden chance to score again in the 93rd minute, but she couldn’t keep her strike low enough.

Sam Kerr with crowd

Sam Kerr performed in front of her home crowd.(AAP Image: Richard Wainwright)

In the earlier match, the Philippines came from behind to post a 4-1 win over Taiwan, firing them to the top of the group.

Yi-yun Hsu opened the scoring for Taiwan in the 47th minute as the underdogs dreamed of a an upset.

But a double to Sarina Bolden and goals to Katrina Guillou and Chandler McDaniel meant it ended up being an easy win for the Philippines.

The Matildas face off against the Philippines on Sunday and Taiwan next Wednesday.

Australia must finish on top of the group to guarantee passage through to the final round of Olympic qualifying in February.

Look back on our live coverage below. 

Key events

Final thoughts

The Matildas get their Olympic qualifying campaign off to a good start, with Ellie Carpenter and Sam Kerr getting on the score-sheet, but it was a much tougher task than perhaps what they were expecting.

Iran sat deep and defended like their lives depended on it, throwing themselves in front of every cross and pass aimed towards their penalty area, with goalkeeper Zahra Khajavi having a stand-out performance.

It was an experimental side from Tony Gustavsson, with several big names starting on the bench, and there was a noticeable lack of chemistry and cohesion among some of the newer players.

The young Amy Sayer was the most impressive newbie, providing some dynamism and spark through midfield, while Emily Van Egmond and Clare Wheeler offered some much-needed calmness and control.

Yet the Matildas struggled to find avenues to goal, with Cortnee Vine and Tameka Yallop having a couple bright moments, though it was Carpenter who eventually found the opener after a scramble in the box.

The jammy first half from Australia just made the quality of their World Cup stars even more obvious, with Mary Fowler and Steph Catley in particular adding a different level of class and choreography to the contest.

It’s always a challenge breaking down deep defensive blocks, which is something the Matildas have traditionally struggled with, especially in Asian competitions.

With two games left against opponents who could pull out similar tactics, Australia will have to be smarter and more patient in their attacking phases, and far more clinical in front of goal.

But in the end, a win is a win, and this was a game as much about shaking off the rust as it was getting the three points.

Australia will next face the Philippines on Sunday afternoon at Optus Stadium, kicking off at 6:10pm AEDT.

And I’ll be back on the blog to take you through it all!

Thanks so much for joining us tonight, and go Tillies!

Full-time: Australia 2 – 0 Iran

99′ Australia 2 – 0 Iran

Steph Catley is standing over her second corner in quick succession.

It skims off the head of Kerr at the near post, but somehow clatters into Emily Van Egmond who’s just… standing in the way?

If that counts as one of the team’s few shots on target, I’m gonna laugh.

Big kudos to Zahra Khajavi

needs to be some credit to the Iranian keeper – she hasn’t stopped throwing herself at everything and definitely helped keep it close.

– Campbell

All the sitting-down aside, she’s absolutely been the reason Iran have kept this game to 2-0.

96′ Iran on the attack

Negin Zandi – Iran’s most dangerous player – picks up the ball and drives forward, feeding it out to her winger on the left side.

Zandi is the only red shirt that makes her way into the box, surrounded by four Matildas, waiting for a returned cross.

But it never comes. The ball from her team-mate is poor and easily intercepted and cleared away.

93′ It’s hard to keep up

Australia just keep attacking and Iran keep defending.

Ellie Carpenter had a chance before that went just wide, and Alanna Kennedy just had a header fizz past the wrong side of the post.

Iran haven’t done much other than throw their bodies in the way of every Matildas shot, which tallies 24 now, though only six have been on target.

It’s a lot, fam. My poor fingers are nubs.

Loading

11 minutes of stoppage time!

Bench depth

Hello Sam – I know it’s a qualifier and not a friendly, but it seems a tad harsh on the Iran to bring Sam, Mary and Steph on at the same time…

– Mike

Imagine being Iran. You’re probably exhausted, you’re a goal down, but you’ve had a couple glimpses of goal, you just need one little opening to be able to capitalise on an error…

…and then Sam Kerr comes on the field.

I’d just give up then and there. But that’s why I’m here tapping away at my computer and they’re out on the field!

86′ Wave after wave after wave

The Matildas just keep on coming, working down both wings, trying to pierce passes through the middle to Kerr.

The noise of the crowd is noticeably louder now that Australia’s World Cup heroes are out there.

Fowler, Catley and Kerr have undoubtedly added more energy and class to the Matildas going forward. You can see their chemistry already humming away.

Won’t be surprised if we see a third goal scored by the end of the game based on the number of chances those three have already created between them.

Anyone taking bets on the amount of added time?

The medics are working overtime

– Jack

There’s gotta be at least 10 minutes that have been used up by Iran’s players sitting on the grass, right?

83′ Australia substitution

That’s the last contribution from Amy Sayer tonight, who’s had a great game, I reckon. Would love to see her again when Australia face the Philippines on Sunday afternoon.

She’s replaced by Kyra Cooney-Cross.

81′ Chance Australia!

Oh my goodness, what a pass from Mary Fowler.

The Manchester City midfielder has been walking on air since coming onto the park, dancing between players and threading space-warping passes through lines.

She twists and brings an aerial ball down onto her foot balletically, seeing a run from Amy Sayer from deep midfield cutting through Iran’s defensive line.

Fowler anticipates the run and delivers a gorgeous reverse pass that takes out three Iranian defenders, right into Sayer’s charging path.

The midfielder shoots but Iran’s goalkeeper sticks out a strong left foot and it’s thumped away.

So nice to watch.

78′ GOAL AUSTRALIA

AND IT’S SAM KERR! ON HER RETURN TO HER HOME-TOWN!

The substitutes made it look way too easy: a simple one-two between Mary Fowler and Steph Catley sees a low, hard Catley cross towards the back post right into the cushioned foot of Kerr.

That’s international goal number 65 for Kerr. Different gravy.

2-0.

73′ Iran’s keeper is down

She’s holding her head after that collision earlier, sitting back down in the grass as Catley is standing over another corner.

The crowd isn’t holding back now: they loudly boo the Iranian player as the physios come back onto the field to hopefully perform a concussion test.

Catley already looks pissed. She’s bouncing the ball around with her other hand on her hip.

The goalkeeper eventually stands up and gestures around to her players like nothing is wrong.

Annoying.

Sports content to make you think… or allow you not to. A newsletter delivered each Friday.

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The longer Israel thinks, the more time Washington has to calm its wrath

Jamie Dettmer is opinion editor at POLITICO Europe. 

BEIRUT — “Once you break it, you are going to own it,” General Colin Powell warned former United States President George W. Bush when he was considering invading Iraq in the wake of 9/11.

And as the invasion plan came together, U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld blocked any serious postwar planning for how Iraq would be run once the country’s ruler Saddam Hussein had gone. As far as he was concerned, once “shock and awe” had smashed Iraq, others could pick up the pieces.

British generals fumed at this. And General Mike Jackson, head of the British army during the invasion, later described Rumsfeld’s approach as “intellectually bankrupt.”

That history is now worth recalling — and was likely on U.S. President Joe Biden’s mind when he urged the Israeli war cabinet last week not to “repeat mistakes” made by the U.S. after 9/11.

Despite Biden’s prompt, however, Israel still doesn’t appear to have a definitive plan for what to do with the Gaza Strip once it has pulverized the enclave and inflicted lasting damage on Hamas for the heinous October 7 attacks.

Setting aside just how difficult a military task Israel will face undertaking its avowed aim of ending Hamas as an organization — former U.S. General David Petraeus told POLITICO last week that a Gaza ground war could be “Mogadishu on steroids” — the lack of endgame here suggests a lack of intellectual rigor that disturbingly echoes Rumsfeld’s.

Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant told lawmakers Friday that the country didn’t have plans to maintain control over Gaza after its war against Hamas had concluded, saying Israel would end its “responsibility for life in the Gaza Strip.” Among other minor matters, this raises the issue of where the coastal enclave of 2.3 million people will get life-sustaining energy and water, as Israel supplies most utility needs.

Israeli and Western officials say the most likely option would be to hand responsibility to the West Bank-based Palestinian National Authority, which oversaw the enclave until Hamas violently grabbed control in 2007. “I think in the end the best thing is that the Palestinian Authority goes back into Gaza,” Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid said last week.

But it isn’t clear whether Mahmoud Abbas — the Palestinian Authority president and head of the Palestine Liberation Organization, which is dominated by his Fatah party — would want Gaza on those terms, or whether he has the power to do much of anything with the enclave in the first place.

Abbas is already struggling to maintain his authority over the West Bank. He’s an unpopular leader, and his government is seen to be not only appallingly venal, but is perceived by many as ceding to the demands of the Israeli authorities too easily. 

Israel now controls 60 percent of the West Bank, and its encroaching settlements in the area — which are illegal under international law — haven’t helped Abbas. Nor have Israeli efforts to hold back the West Bank from developing — a process dubbed “de-developing” by critics and aimed, they say, at restricting growth and strangling Palestinian self-determination.

In West Bank refugee camps, Abbas’ security forces have now lost authority to armed groups — including disgruntled Fatah fighters. “It is unclear whether Abbas would be prepared to play such an obvious role subcontracting for Israel in Gaza. This would further erode whatever domestic standing the PA has left,” assessed Hugh Lovatt, a Middle East analyst at the European Council on Foreign Relations.

But it isn’t only Gaza — or the West Bank — that risks breaking in the coming weeks.

Neighboring countries are watching events unfold with growing alarm, and they fear that if more thought isn’t given to Israel’s response to the savage Hamas attacks, and it isn’t developed in consultation with them, they’ll be crushed in the process. If Israel wants the support of these countries — or their help even — in calming the inevitable anger of their populations once a military campaign is launched, it needs their buy-in and agreement on the future of Gaza and Palestinians, and to stop using the language of collective punishment.

Lebanon, where the Iran-backed Hezbollah — Hamas’ ally — has been intensifying its skirmishes along the border with Israel, is currently the most vulnerable. And Lebanese politicians are complaining they’re being disregarded by all key protagonists — Israel, the U.S. and Iran — in a tragedy they wish to have no part in.

Already on its knees from an economic crisis that plunged an estimated 85 percent of its population into poverty, and with a barely functioning caretaker government, the Lebanese are desperate not to become the second front in Iran’s war with Israel. Lebanon “could fall apart completely,” Minister of Economy and Trade Amin Salam said.

But the leaders of Egypt and Jordan share Lebanon’s frustrations, arguing that the potential repercussions for them are being overlooked. This is why Egyptian leader Abdel Fattah el-Sisi called Saturday’s Cairo summit of regional and international leaders.

El-Sisi focused the conference on a longer-term political solution, hopefully a serious effort to make good on the 2007 Annapolis Conference’s resolution to set up a Palestinian state alongside Israel.

Egypt has much to lose if the war escalates — and the country’s officials are fuming at what they see as a careless attitude from Israel toward what happens to Gaza after Hamas is subjugated, potentially leaving a cash-strapped Egypt to pick up some of the pieces.

More than that, Egypt and Jordan harbor deep suspicions — as do many other Arab leaders and politicians — that as the conflict unfolds, Israel’s war aims will shift. They worry that under pressure from the country’s messianic hard-right parties, Israel will end up annexing north Gaza, or maybe all of Gaza, permanently uprooting a large proportion of its population, echoing past displacements of Palestinians — including the nakba (catastrophe), the flight and expulsion of an estimated 700,000 Palestinians in 1948.

This is why both el-Sisi and Jordan’s King Abdullah II are resisting the “humanitarian” calls for displaced Gazans to find refuge in their countries. They suspect it won’t be temporary and will add to their own security risks, as Gazans would likely have to be accommodated in the Sinai — where Egyptian security forces are already engaged in a long-standing counterinsurgency against Islamist militant groups.

And both countries do have grounds for concern about Israel’s intentions.

Some columnists for Israel Hayom —a newspaper owned by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s close friend, American casino mogul Sheldon Adelson — are already calling for annexation. “My hope is that the enemy population residing there now will be expelled and that the Strip will be annexed and repopulated by Israel,” wrote Jonathan Pollard, a former U.S. intelligence analyst who served 30 years in prison for spying for Israel before emigrating.

And last week, Gideon Sa’ar, the newly appointed minister in Netanyahu’s wartime government, said that Gaza “must be smaller at the end of the war . . . Whoever starts a war against Israel must lose territory.”

Given all this, there are now signs the Biden administration is starting to take the risks of the Gaza crisis breaking things far and wide fully on board — despite widespread Arab fears that it still isn’t. By not being fast enough to express sympathy for ordinary Gazans’ suffering as Israel pummels the enclave, Biden’s aides initially fumbled. And while that can easily be blamed on Hamas, it needs to be expressed by American officials loudly and often.

In the meantime, the unexplained delay of Israel’s ground attack is being seen by some analysts as a sign that Washington is playing for time, hoping to persuade the country to rethink how it will go about attacking Hamas, prodding Israel to define a realistic endgame that can secure buy-in from Arab leaders and help combat the propaganda of Jew-hatred.

Meanwhile, hostage negotiations now appear to be progressing via Qatar, after two American captives were freed Friday. There have also been reports of top Biden aides back-channeling Iran via Oman.

So, despite Arab condemnation, the Biden administration’s approach may be more subtle than many realize — at least according to Michael Young, an analyst at the Carnegie Middle East Center. He said it was always inevitable that Washington would publicly back Israel but that a primary aim has been to “contain Israel’s reaction” to the Hamas attacks, while seemingly deferring to the country.

And time will help. The longer Israel thinks, the more opportunity Washington has to reason, to calm, and to explain the trail of cascading wreckage Israel risks leaving behind if it is unrestrained and fails to answer — as Biden put it — “very hard questions.”

But that might not be sufficient to prevent everything spinning out of control. Israel morally and legally has the right to defend itself from barbaric attacks that were more a pogrom, and it must ensure the safety of its citizens. There are also others — notably Iran — that want the destruction of the Jewish state, and even a scaled down response from Israel may trigger the escalation most in the region fear.



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The dogs of war are howling in the Middle East

Jamie Dettmer is opinion editor at POLITICO Europe.

BEIRUT — Against a dawning day, just hours after the fatal Gaza hospital explosion that killed hundreds, Israel’s border with Lebanon crackled with shelling and fighter jet strikes as Israeli warplanes responded to an uptick in shelling from Hezbollah.

Regardless of who struck the al-Ahli Arab Hospital, the needle is now rapidly shifting in a dangerous direction. And hopes are being pinned on United States President Joe Biden and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, who is set to host an emergency summit in Cairo on Saturday. But the chances of a wider war engulfing Lebanon and the entire region being hurled into violent chaos once more are growing by the hour.

As Hezbollah announced “a day of rage” against Israel, protests have targeted U.S. missions in the region, more embassies in Beirut have started sending off non-essentials staff, and security teams are being flown in to protect diplomatic missions and European NGOs, preparing contingency plans for staff evacuation. An ever-growing sense of dread and foreboding is now gripping the Levant.

Currently, Israel insists the hospital explosion was caused by an errant rocket fired by Islamic Jihad — and the White House agrees. But the Palestinian militant group, which is aligned with Hamas, says this is a “lie and fabrication,” insisting Israel was responsible. Regardless of where the responsibility lies, however, the blast at the hospital — where hundreds of Palestinian civilians were sheltering from days of Israeli airstrikes on the coastal enclave of Gaza — is sending shock waves far and wide.

It has already blown Biden’s trip to the region off course, as his planned Wednesday meeting with Arab leaders in Jordan had to be axed. The meeting was meant to take place after his visit to Israel, where Biden had the tricky task of showing solidarity, while also pressing the country’s reluctant Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to allow humanitarian aid into Gaza.

A statement from the White House said the the decision to cancel the meeting with Jordan’s King Abdullah II, Egypt’s El-Sisi and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas had been jointly made in light of the hospital strike.

But Arab leaders have made clear they had no hope the meeting would be productive. Abbas pulled out first, before Jordan’s Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi suggested a meeting would be pointless. “There is no use in talking now about anything except stopping the war,” he said, referencing Israel’s near-constant bombardment of Gaza.

Scrapping the Jordan stop lost the U.S. leader a major face-to-face opportunity to navigate the crisis, leaving American efforts to stave off a wider conflict in disarray.

The U.S. was already facing tough criticism in the region for being too far in Israel’s corner and failing to condemn the country for civilian deaths in Gaza. Meanwhile, Arab leaders have shrugged off U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s efforts to get them to denounce Hamas — they refuse to label the organization as a terror group, seeing the October 7 attacks as the inevitable consequence of the failure to deliver a two-state solution for Palestinians and lift Israel’s 17-year blockade on Gaza.

Whether anyone can now stop a bigger war is highly uncertain. But there was one word that stood out in Biden’s immediate remarks after the Hamas attacks, and that was “don’t.” “To any country, any organization, anyone thinking of taking advantage of the situation, I have one word,” he said. “Don’t.”

However, this is now being drowned out by furious cries for revenge. Wrath has its grip on all parties in the region, as old hatreds and grievances play out and the tit-for-tat blows accelerate. Much like Mark Antony’s exhortation in Shakespeare’s “Julius Caesar,” “Cry ‘Havoc!’, and let slip the dogs of war” is now the sentiment being heard here, obscuring reason and leaving diplomacy struggling in its wake.

In the immediate aftermath of last week’s slaughter, righteous fury had understandably gripped Israelis. Netanyahu channeled that rage, vowing “mighty vengeance” against Hamas for the surprise attacks, pledging to destroy the Iran-backed Palestinian militant group. “Every Hamas terrorist is a dead man,” he said days later.

However, Israel hasn’t officially announced it will launch a ground mission — something it has refrained from doing in recent years due to the risk of losing a high number of soldiers. But it has massed troops and armor along the border, drafted 300,000 reservists — the biggest call-up in decades — and two days after the Hamas attacks, Netanyahu reportedly told Biden that Israel had no choice but to launch a ground operation. Publicly, he warned Israelis the country faced a “long and difficult war.”

The one hope that havoc won’t be unleashed in the region now rests partly — but largely — upon Israel reducing its military goals and deciding not to launch a ground offensive on Gaza, which would be the most likely trigger for Hezbollah and its allies to commence a full-scale attack, either across the southern border or on the Golan Heights.

That was certainly the message from Ahmed Abdul-Hadi, Hamas’ chief representative in Lebanon. He told POLITICO that an Israeli ground offensive in Gaza would be one of the key triggers that could bring Hezbollah fully into the conflict, and that Hamas and Hezbollah are now closely coordinating their responses.

“Hezbollah will pay no attention to threats from anyone against it entering the war; it will ignore warnings to stay out of it. The timing of when Hezbollah wants to enter the war or not will relate to Israeli escalation and incidents on the ground, and especially if Israel tries to enter Gaza on the ground,” he said.

Lebanese politicians are now pinning their hopes on Israel not opting to mount a ground offensive on the densely populated enclave — an operation that would almost certainly lead to a high number of civilian casualties and spark further Arab outrage, in addition to a likely Hezbollah intervention. They see some possibility in Biden’s warning that any move by Israel to reoccupy Gaza would be a “big mistake” — a belated sign that Washington is now trying to impose a limit on Israel’s actions in retaliation for the Hamas attacks.

And how that dovetails with Netanyahu’s stated aim to “demolish Hamas”and “defeat the bloodthirsty monsters who have risen against us to destroy us” is another one of the major uncertainties that will determine if the dogs of war will be fully unleashed.

At the moment, however, an apparent pause in Israeli ground operations is giving some a reason to hope. While assembled units are on standby and awaiting orders, on Tuesday an Israel military spokesman suggested a full-scale ground assault might not be what’s being prepared.

Michael Young, an analyst at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut, suspects a “rethink” is underway, likely prompted by Israeli military chiefs’ realization that a ground offensive wouldn’t just be bloody, it wouldn’t rid Gaza of Hamas either. “When the PLO was forced out of Lebanon by Israel in 1982, it still was able to maintain a presence in the country and Yasser Arafat was back within a year in Lebanon,” he said.

Likewise, lawmaker Ashraf Rifi — a former director of Lebanon’s Internal Security Forces — told POLITICO he thinks Israeli generals are likely just as behind the apparent hold as their Western allies. “Military commanders are always less enthusiastic about going to war than politicians, and Israeli military commanders are always cautious,” he said.

“Let’s hope so, otherwise we will all be thrown into hell.”



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Experts: nobody wants a big war in the Middle East

This article was originally published in Russian

Iran has threatened to ‘intervene in the conflict’ if Israel launches a ground operation in the Gaza Strip. Euronews spoke to experts about what this ‘intervention’ might be and its consequences.

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Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian said that a political settlement of the situation in the Gaza Strip is becoming increasingly unlikely, and Tehran warned it may take “preemptive action” against Israel.

At the same time, the minister said the Islamic republic did not intend to engage in a military conflict with Tel Aviv, if Israel did not strike Iranian territory.

“We cannot rule out that Iran will decide to intervene directly,” said Jake Sullivan, US Assistant to the President for National Security in Tehran.

Israel itself reacted harshly to the Iranian warnings.

“Iran and Hezbollah, don’t test us in the north. The price you will have to pay will be much higher. I am telling you in Hebrew what the president of the United States said in English: don’t do it,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said.

The Wall Street Journal earlier quoted unnamed “senior members of Hamas and Hezbollah” as saying Iran had helped the militants plan an attack on Israel, but the Islamic republic’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei rejected the speculation.

“Master of proxy warfare.”

Experts said that Tehran has long maintained close ties with Hamas.

In the case of the 7 October attack on Israel, there are points that indicate there was outside help, says Sara Bazoobandi, a researcher at the German Institute for Global and Regional Studies.

“Iran is one of the long-time sponsors of Hamas. It is one of the group’s main aides in terms of organising training and logistics, smuggling weapons. In terms of the attack on Israel, there are points that raise the question of whether Iran was directly involved in its preparation,” the expert points out. “One example: the infiltration of militants into Israeli territory. One cannot learn to fly paragliders in the tunnels of Gaza or in an area that is under the watchful eye of the Israeli military. They practised and developed these skills elsewhere.” 

She believes there will be no direct Iranian involvement in the fighting. Instead Tehran is likely to use the non-state organisations it supports.

“Iran is a master of creating and conducting proxy wars. They invest financially, militarily, technologically in the development of the so-called ‘axis of resistance’ in the region,”said Bazoobandi. “The reason for investing in its creation and expansion is that Iran has been trying to avoid direct confrontation with anyone since the end of the Iran-Iraq war. In his statements, the Iranian foreign minister mentions precisely the ‘resistance axis reaction’,” 

Iran supports not only Hamas, but also other groups based on anti-Israeli ideology – from the Shiite Hezbollah movement in Lebanon to the Sunni Islamic Jihad in the Gaza Strip and Syria.

As a Lebanese Hamas spokesman told the Financial Times in a recent interview, the objectives of the “resistance axis” are to destroy Israel and counter American influence in the Middle East.

“The main risk is that Iran could push its allies in Lebanon, particularly Hezbollah, to open a new front against Israel in the north,” notes Ali Vaez, Iran Project Director at the International Crisis Group.

Hezbollah fighters are better armed and trained than Hamas, according to Barbara Slavin, head of the Middle East programme at the Stimson Centre in Washington.

“They have 150,000 rockets in their arsenal that they can use against major Israeli cities. There are reports that members of the movement are disabling surveillance cameras installed by Israel along the border.

I think this is an alarming indicator that if Israel launches a ground operation in Gaza, Hezbollah will be forced to respond in some way, perhaps to open a second front in northern Israel,” Slavin said.

Experts note that the main goal of Tehran’s defence policy is to prevent a direct attack on Iranian territory.

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After Hamas militants invaded Israel, Tel Aviv’s allies, the US and Britain, sent warships and aircraft to the region as a deterrent measure.

“Tehran will not send its military into the war zone to help Hamas,” Slavin said.

Vaez said he  believes that if Iran becomes directly involved in the conflict, there was a risk of countries such as Iraq, Syria and Lebanon also becoming involved.

“The consequences could be catastrophic not only for the region, but for the whole world,” said Vaez.

Is the Middle East on the verge of a new big war?

“I think we may actually be on the verge of a major war in the Middle East. Who is ready to escalate after the Israeli ground operation in Gaza? It could be Iran, Hezbollah, the Yemeni Houthis. We are at a very dangerous stage in the modern history of the Middle East region,” said Bazoobandi.

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The expert said Iran itself has the potential to launch a direct attack on Israel. Long-range missiles produced by Tehran, as the Iranian military said a year ago, “could flatten Tel Aviv”. The Islamic republic is actively developing missile technology and unmanned systems.

Bazoobandi said no one wanted another major crisis in the region, but the situation was not simple and could change at any moment.

“The Iranians, despite their fiery rhetoric, probably don’t want a regional conflict. It’s a very difficult balance for everyone between taking enough action to not lose face, but at the same time not crossing borders or losing your head,” said Vaez.

In addition, Vaez noted that a major new conflict could result in Tehran losing its nuclear programme.

“If we go into a full-scale war, the US and Israel will probably see this as an opportunity to destroy Iran’s nuclear programme, which is closer than ever to developing nuclear weapons. This will come at a huge cost, military capabilities, and possibly huge human casualties,” he warned.

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According to Slavin, diplomats are now focused on reducing the likelihood of an escalation of the conflict.

“This is already the bloodiest war between Israel and its adversaries in decades,” Slavin said.

“But Israel cannot bomb its way to peace. At some point, a serious effort must be made to try to solve the Palestinians’ problems.”

In this, Slavin said, Israel’s Arab partners and friends can play a role.

“A practical and just resolution of this conflict is in the interest of all humanity. But it is very, very difficult to achieve this.” 

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The war between Israel and Hamas is the main topic of the extraordinary meeting of foreign ministers of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation countries, which is taking place in Jeddah in Saudi Arabia on 18 October.

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Inside the arsenal: Iranian-sourced weapons used in Hamas and Islamic Jihad’s Israel assault

Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement launched an incursion into Israel on October 7, attacking by air and ground. While the range of weapons they’ve employed has garnered international attention, none of these armaments comes as a revelation. Both Hamas’s armed wing, the Al Qassam Brigades, and Islamic Jihad’s Al Quds Brigades have previously showcased these weapons in propaganda materials and military parades as well as using them against Israeli targets. The majority of these weapons have origins in Iran, and those produced within Gaza are also believed to have been developed by the Islamic Republic, with a small fraction originating from North Korea and Syria.

A surprise ground assault by Hamas and Islamic Jihad from Gaza on Israel has so far killed more than 900 Israelis and left hundreds more injured or missing. Concerts, cities, communities, infrastructure and military garrisons have come under an unprecedented attack.

It is no secret that most of the Hamas and Islamic Jihad bunkers are filled with weapons of Iranian origin. Iranian officials, including political and military figures, have repeatedly confirmed that they provide economic and logistical support to Hamas. The Palestinian groups have also confirmed this, and publicly praised the mullahs in Tehran for their support.

FRANCE 24 journalist and terrorism expert Wassim Nasr told us more:

In all these videos, I don’t see any new weapons or any new technology that they are using. We have already seen all these weapons in previous attacks on Israeli targets or in the videos they publish of their training.

Some of these weapons were smuggled into Gaza through the tunnels. Gaza has been under siege for years and the weapons are smuggled along with many other things, from food to household appliances.

The other part of these Iranian-inspired weapons is manufactured inside Gaza with the support of Iran, which provides its blueprints and technical assistance from outside.

In May 2021, Ziyad al-Nakhalah, leader of Islamic Jihad, said in an interview: “It was Qasem Soleimani (Editor’s note: the former commander of the Quds Force of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) who brought the idea of producing missiles inside Gaza by teaching our engineering ranks. All of Islamic Jihad and Hamas engineers are trained by Iran.”

Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas, also confirmed in a public speech in May 2019 that the group’s missiles come from Iran.

“Let me be clear. If it wasn’t for Iran, our resistance would not exist, we would not have these capabilities,” he said. “Our people (Arab governments) have abandoned us in the hard times, though Iran helped us with weapons, logistics, trainings, and technical support.”

The FRANCE 24 Observers team verified a number of videos posted by citizens or the official accounts of military groups in Gaza on social networks to verify the origin of the weapons used against Israel.

Mortars, rockets and mines

We can see Iranian-made mortars being fired in this video released by Hamas. In this video, it is claimed that the mortar – a 120-millimetre “M48” mortar from Iran – was fired at Israel from Gaza on October 7, 2023.

The Al Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, have already featured these Iranian-made mortars in their propaganda videos. In a video released by Hamas in May 2020, we see exactly the same type of mortar, which was manufactured in Iran in 2007.

On the right, a Hamas propaganda video published October 7 2023. On the left, a propaganda video from May 2020. © Observers

These pictures released by Israel reportedly show the aftermath of a raid on a group of Hamas commandos who entered Israel on 7 October and were killed.

The pictures show weapons that were allegedly found in the trucks of the Hamas commandos. In these pictures, we see at least two types of Iranian-made weapons.

This image shows two YM-II, Iranian anti-tank mines and Iranian PG -7VR rockets. This was originally a Soviet anti-tank missile.
This image shows two YM-II, Iranian anti-tank mines and Iranian PG -7VR rockets. This was originally a Soviet anti-tank missile. © .

Older Hamas videos show that the group has been equipped with this kind of rocket for about a decade.

Photo published by the IRGC-linked Iranian news site Mashregh in August 2014 showing Hamas fighters.
Photo published by the IRGC-linked Iranian news site Mashregh in August 2014 showing Hamas fighters. © Mashregh

The Al Quds Brigade, the military arm of Islamic Jihad, also participated in last Saturday’s attacks. In a video they posted on their social media purporting to show an attack on an Israeli target on October 7, we see them using another Iranian anti-tank rocket.

It is an Iranian-made Ra’d-T, the Iranian version of the 9M14 Malyutka, an anti-tank guided missile developed in the Soviet Union.

Ra’d-T, the Iranian version of the 9M14 Malyutka, an anti-tank guided missile developed in the Soviet Union. video published by Hamas on October 7.
Ra’d-T, the Iranian version of the 9M14 Malyutka, an anti-tank guided missile developed in the Soviet Union. video published by Hamas on October 7. © Observers

Another Iranian-made rocket found in these attacks is the “Misagh” MANPADS. We can see the wreckage of a MANPADS in a video published by Israel after an ambush on Hamas commandos.

This is an anti-aircraft missile called Misagh in Iran. Misagh itself is a copy of a Chinese missile called QW-1 Vanguard, which itself is a copy of the Soviet MANPADS Igla.
This is an anti-aircraft missile called Misagh in Iran. Misagh itself is a copy of a Chinese missile called QW-1 Vanguard, which itself is a copy of the Soviet MANPADS Igla. © .

In this wave of attacks by Hamas insurgents, thousands of rockets were fired at several cities, including the capital Tel Aviv. Hamas and other military groups in Gaza have been using this strategy against the Israelis for years.

Military groups in Gaza have received several types of Iranian short-range rockets over the decades, including Fajr-3, Fajr-5 and Zelzal.

In this video released in May 2021, Hamas presents its “Ayyash 250” rocket, which is actually an Iranian Zelzal-generation rocket.
In this video released in May 2021, Hamas presents its “Ayyash 250” rocket, which is actually an Iranian Zelzal-generation rocket. © .

Drones

According to some videos Hamas and Islamic Jihad shared during the recent attacks on Israel, the armed groups are using surveillance or suicide drones in their assaults.

While Hamas has named this drone “Shahab”, it’s a copy of “Ababil-2”, an Iranian-made drone used by many Iranian proxies in the Middle East, albeit under a different name. The Houthis in Yemen, for example, call it Qasef-2K.

The Ababil-2 is an old model of Iranian loitering munitions from 15 years ago. Iran now has more advanced models such as the Shahed 131 and 136, which have received international attention due to Russia’s use of them in the war in Ukraine.

While Hamas has named this drone “Shahab”, it’s a copy of “Ababil-2”, an Iranian-made drone
While Hamas has named this drone “Shahab”, it’s a copy of “Ababil-2”, an Iranian-made drone © .

Once again, the use of this drone in the fight against Israeli targets is not new. The Al Qassam forces have already shown that they have this drone, and they have even used it to attack targets on Israeli territory.

For example, this video from May 2021: Hamas shows in an official video that it has acquired this drone and is capable of using it.
For example, this video from May 2021: Hamas shows in an official video that it has acquired this drone and is capable of using it. © Observers

In May 2021, Hamas attacked a chemical factory near Nir Oz in Israel using this drone.

The Al Quds Brigade also released a video showing the use of a drone against Israeli targets. The Palestinian group calls it “Kamikaz Sayyad”. It is a small Iranian loitering munition whose original name in Iran is simply Sayyad or “ShahedX”; the Houthis, the other users of these suicide drones, call it “Samad-1”.

Islamic Jihad has long been known to have this kind of Iranian drone at its disposal. The Al Quds Brigade showcased it in a military parade on October 4.

The Islamic Jihad has long been known to have this kind of Iranian drone at its disposal. For example, in a military parade on October 4, the Al Quds Brigade presented this drone.
The Islamic Jihad has long been known to have this kind of Iranian drone at its disposal. For example, in a military parade on October 4, the Al Quds Brigade presented this drone. © Observers

Rifles and machine guns

Various Palestinian factions in Gaza have been known to use Iranian rifles. These firearms may either originate from other nations and be supplied by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), or they could be directly sourced as Iranian-made weapons.

The Iranian-made anti-materiel rifle, Sayyad, is one of them.

Hamas insurgents were seen with Iranian anti-materiel Sayyad rifles in military parades in January 2019 and 2020.

Hamas insurgents were seen with Iranian anti-materiel Sayyad rifles in military parades in January 2019 and 2020.
Hamas insurgents were seen with Iranian anti-materiel Sayyad rifles in military parades in January 2019 and 2020. © Observers

In an Al Jazeera report broadcast in May 2022, we see Hamas commandos using Sayyad anti-materiel rifles against the surveillance tools Israel deployed at the border between Gaza and Israel.
In an Al Jazeera report broadcast in May 2022, we see Hamas commandos using Sayyad anti-materiel rifles against the surveillance tools Israel deployed at the border between Gaza and Israel. © Al-Jazeera

Some Iranian copies of Chinese machine guns have also been found in the south of Israel following the October 7 attacks.

Powered paragliders

One of the methods used by Palestinian military groups to invade Israeli territory was the use of powered paragliders as aircraft for military purposes.

Although it seems to be an original idea, the “Saberin”, the elite troops of the Iranian IRGC, have previously used them as short-range light aircraft. 

It seems to be an original idea, but the “Saberin”, the elite troops of the Iranian IRGC, have previously used them as short-range light aircraft. left: Saberin photo, Feb 2021, Right: recent attack on Israel by Hamas
It seems to be an original idea, but the “Saberin”, the elite troops of the Iranian IRGC, have previously used them as short-range light aircraft. left: Saberin photo, Feb 2021, Right: recent attack on Israel by Hamas © .

‘We support Palestinians […] but this was the work of the Palestinians themselves’

Iranian political and military officials have consistently voiced their backing for militant groups in Gaza. Notably, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, has affirmed this support on multiple occasions, including during meetings with leaders of Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

“The Palestinians must feel that they have improved, and this has happened by providing them with accurate missiles instead of throwing stones [at Israelis],” Khamenei said in a meeting with Hamas leaders in Tehran on July 22, 2019.

But on October 10, Ayatollah Khamenei, while endorsing and commending the recent attacks, disclaimed any involvement of the Iranian regime in orchestrating them.

“In the last couple of days, some officials of the [Israeli] regime and their supporters claim that Iran is behind these attacks,” he said. “They are mistaken. We support Palestinians […] but this was the work of the Palestinians themselves.”

‘The only thing that is new is the coordination’

Wassim Nasr says that the weapons and tactics seen in the October 7 attacks are not new.

The only thing that is new is the coordination and planning. They organised attacks on more than 30 observation posts on the wall between the Gaza Strip and Israeli territory and on 11 military posts at the same time, with the attacks being coordinated by different independent military groups.

But what they have done against these military observation posts is nothing extraordinary: they used civilian drones dropping small bombs, which we have seen for years in Syria, first used by the Islamic State group, or in Ukraine and in many other conflicts as well.

It seems that Hamas has been organising this attack since at least May last year. In May 2023, Islamic Jihad organised an attack on Israel and surprisingly Hamas did not take part in it, showing that it did not want to escalate the situation until it was ready for the “big surprise”.

The only thing we know for sure is that Iran has been supporting Hamas and Islamic Jihad for decades, with money, weapons, training, and technical support. It’s their common method for supporting their proxies as they did exactly the same thing with the Houthis in Yemen, as well as with multiple militias in Iraq or with Hezbollah in Lebanon since 1982. Hamas and the Islamic Jihad have the exception of being Sunni and not Shia factions. Are these attacks ordered by Iran? I don’t know, I think no one knows.

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Could Hamas’s attack on Israel pose a threat for the region and Saudi-Israeli normalisation?

An unprecedented, deadly attack carried out by Hamas on Israel on Saturday has sparked fears of a broader regional escalation, with Saudi-Israeli normalisation particularly at risk, experts told FRANCE 24.

At the break of dawn on October 7, the Islamist militant group Hamas launched a multi-pronged attack on Israel. From its stronghold, the blockaded Gaza Strip, the group fired thousands of rockets into the country while its fighters infiltrated nearby communities, killing and capturing locals.

Almost fifty years to the day that marked the start of the Yom Kippur war in 1973, the attacks have killed more than 350 people in Gaza and more than 600 in Israel.

The incursion was met with fierce military retaliation from Israel, who launched rockets that razed entire neighbourhoods in Gaza and left hundreds dead.  

The bloody battle is far from being over. On Sunday, as Hamas gunmen and Israeli security forces continued to fight in the south, Lebanon’s Hezbollah exchanged artillery and rocket fire with Israeli troops across northern borders.  

The ongoing violence has sparked fears of regional escalation, with experts warning the situation could become a broader cross-border conflict.  

A potential ‘multi-front war’ 

Lebanese militant group Hezbollah claimed responsibility for firing dozens of rockets and shells at a disputed area along Israel’s northern border on Sunday. Viewed as a major threat by Israel, the group has been backed by Iran for years and has close ties with Hamas.  

Hezbollah’s senior official Hashem Safieddine said on Sunday the group’s “guns and rockets” were with Palestinian militants. 

Experts fear the cross-border clashes could put pressure on Hezbollah to open a second front in northern Israel. In 2006, Hezbollah and Israel fought a 34-day war that left more than 1,200 dead in Lebanon – mostly civilians – and 160 in Israel, mostly soldiers.

“The risk of the conflict escalating is real, especially with what is happening on [Israel’s] northern border,” says David Rigoulet-Roze, editor of the research journal Orients Stratégiques. “There is a risk of a second front opening up, and that is very worrying.”  

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Saturday said Israel was at war and that its forces would exact a heavy price from its enemies. Although the direct implications of his words are not entirely clear, experts say the possibility of a major war cannot be ruled out.  

“If Israel sends ground troops into Gaza or does something else drastic,” says Hussein Ibish, senior resident school at the Arab Gulf States Institute, “then Hezbollah could open up a front in Lebanon and defend their decision by saying they have no choice, that they must defend Palestine.”  

“We could see Israel dragged into a multi-front war with various different resistance groups, most of them beholden to Iran,” explains Ibish.  

For Myriam Benraad, a political scientist specialising in the Arab world at Schiller University in Paris, Hamas’s attack could escalate tensions between Israel and Arab countries more broadly. 

In 2020, the so-called Abraham Accords mediated by the US normalised diplomatic relations between Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco.

“Beyond the Israeli-Palestinian context, there is an Israeli-Arab context that is going to be extremely tense,” she says, stressing that “public opinion in Arab countries is still overwhelmingly pro-Palestinian”, even though the “proliferation of conflicts in the Middle East have pushed the issue of Palestine into the background”.  

“Hamas, on the other hand, is pursuing a hardline approach aimed at preventing any normalisation with Israel.”  

Saudi-Israeli relations at a standstill 

Although Hamas has not been explicitly clear about why it decided to launch its offensive now, the attack has dealt a severe blow to Saudi Arabian and Israeli relations. 

Since late September, the two countries have been engaged in talks led by US President Joe Biden to normalise diplomatic relations that could see Saudi Arabia recognise Israel’s statehood in exchange for US security guarantees.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman gave a rare interview with right-wing broadcaster Fox News on September 20, praising the negotiations for bringing both countries “closer” to normalisation every day, but insisted that the treatment of Palestinians is a “very important” issue to be resolved. 

Two days later, Netanyahu addressed a UN General Assembly claiming that Israel was “at the cusp” of a historic breakthrough that could lead to a peace agreement.  

With Biden eager for a big diplomatic win ahead of the 2024 presidential elections, the talks were expected to continue in coming weeks. But now they have been cut short.  

“This is clearly an effort to put a stop to the Saudi-Israeli normalisation process, and I think [Hamas] has a very good chance of doing that,” explains Ibish.  

“It seems to me that Israel is in an impossible situation. Anything they do to try and prevent this from happening again is going to mean more suffering for Palestinians, greater occupation, greater restrictions and more brutality on the Israeli side,” says Ibish. “That is going to make it harder for the Saudis to move forward.”  

Saudi Arabia’s foreign ministry said in a statement on Saturday that it had been warning of an “explosive situation” brought on by decades of “continued occupation and deprivation” of Palestinian rights, a reminder of the kingdom’s long-held support for Palestinians.  

“These are all calculations that have inspired Hamas,” says Ibish.  

Like its years-long backer Iran, the Hamas militant group does not recognise Israel’s right to exist as a state.  

Iran supports the attacks 

Standing behind Hamas, Hezbollah and the Islamic Jihad movement in Palestine, Iran has condemned any possibility of normalising relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. The country is accused by Israel of supplying the militant groups with weapons and intelligence for years, and was one of the first countries to welcome Saturday’s offensive.  

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi on Sunday said his country supported the legitimate defence of the Palestinian nation, adding that “the Zionist regime [Israel] and its supporters are responsible for instability in the region, and they must be held accountable in this matter”. He urged Muslim governments to “support the Palestinian nation”.  

While it is too early to determine the exact role Iran played in mounting Saturday’s attack, experts agree that Hamas likely had the country’s support. “I very much doubt that Hamas alone could have prepared and decided to launch the strikes,” says Professor Karim Emile Bitar, a Middle East expert and Associate Fellow at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy. 

“I think Iran has been growing increasingly nervous because of the ongoing Saudi-Israeli rapprochement,” Bitar says, which could explain “this turning point in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict”.  

Whatever its involvement may be, Israel and Iran have been bitter rivals engaged in a shadow war for years. Now that Iran’s allies Hezbollah and Hamas are engaging in what could become a full-blown war with Israel, experts are on their toes, uncertain of what will come next.  

But for Bitar, one thing is certain. “Judging from history of the past decades, we can only assume that the Israeli response will be absolutely devastating and that this is the beginning of a horrible war that would lead to hundreds, if not thousands, of victims,” the professor concludes.  

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Injury of 16-year-old Iranian girl not wearing headscarf in Tehran sparks anger

A mysterious injury suffered by a 16-year-old girl who boarded a Metro train in Iran’s capital without a headscarf has reignited anger just after the one-year anniversary of the death of Mahsa Amini and the nationwide protests it sparked.

Issued on:

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What happened in the few seconds after Armita Geravand entered the train on Sunday remain in question. While a friend told Iranian state television that she hit her head on the station’s platform, the soundless footage aired by the broadcaster from outside of the car is blocked by a bystander. Just seconds later, her limp body is carried off.

Geravand’s mother and father appeared in state media footage saying a blood pressure issue, a fall or perhaps both contributed to their daughter’s injury.

Activists abroad have alleged Geravand may have been pushed or attacked because she was not wearing the hijab. They demand an independent investigation by the United Nations’ fact-finding mission on Iran, citing the theocracy’s use of pressure on victims’ families and state TV’s history of airing hundreds of coerced confessions.

Geravand’s injury also comes as Iran has put its morality police – whom activists implicate in Amini’s death over her alleged loose hijab – back on the street, and as lawmakers push to enforce even stricter penalties for those flouting the required head covering.

“Girls are subjected to violence on the streets, and then their families are compelled to protect the government responsible for that violence,” said Hadi Ghaemi, the executive director of the New York-based Center for Human Rights in Iran.


For observant Muslim women, the head covering is a sign of piety before God and modesty in front of men outside their families. In Iran, the hijab – and the all-encompassing black chador worn by some – has long been a political symbol as well, particularly after becoming mandatory in the years following the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Iran and neighboring Taliban-ruled Afghanistan are the only countries where the hijab remains mandatory for women.

Since Amini’s death and the large-scale protests subsided, many women in Tehran can be seen without the hijab in defiance of the law.

Geravand suffered her injury Sunday morning at the Meydan-E Shohada, or Martyrs’ Square, Metro station in southern Tehran. Rumors about how she suffered the injury quickly circulated.

By Tuesday, the Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, which reports on abuses in Iran’s western Kurdish region, published a photograph it said showed Geravand at the hospital, her head wrapped in bandages as she remains in a coma.

Geravand “was physically attacked by authorities in the Shohada station at Tehran Metro for what they perceived as noncompliance with the compulsory hijab,” Hengaw alleged, citing reports it said it received. “As a result, she sustained severe injuries and was transported to the hospital.”

The Associated Press has not been able to confirm the exact circumstances of what caused Geravand’s injuries.

Late Wednesday, Iranian state television aired what appeared to be nearly all the surveillance camera footage covering the 16 minutes Geravand spent inside of the Metro station before her injury. She entered at 6:52 a.m., then went down an escalator. The sole gap, about a minute and a half, occurs before she reaches the turnstile gate where she uses her Metro card. The footage includes her shopping for a snack, then walking to and waiting on the platform for the train.

In the mute footage, Geravand, whom activists describe as a taekwondo athlete, appears calm and healthy. An AP frame-by-frame analysis of the footage showed no signs of the aired video being manipulated.

At 7:08 a.m., Geravand enters the No. 134 train car – the last on the train and likely a women-only compartment. A new conductor for the train walks up as she enters, his body blocking the view of door she walks through. Within four seconds, a woman steps backwards out of the train and just a sliver of Geravand’s head can be seen as she lies on the floor of the train. Women then pull Geravand’s limp body out and run for help as the train moves off.

Iranian state TV’s report, however, did not include any footage from inside the train itself and offered no explanation on why it hadn’t been released. Most train cars on the Tehran Metro have multiple CCTV cameras, which are viewable by security personnel.

“Refusing to publish the footage only increases doubts about the official narrative,” the Oslo-based group Iran Human Rights said.

Emergency medical technicians took Geravand to Fajr Hospital, which is at a Iranian air force base and one of the the closest medical facilities to the station. In the time since her injury, security forces have arrested a journalist for Shargh newspaper who went to the hospital, according to the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists. Shargh, a reformist newspaper, helped lead reporting surrounding Amini’s death as well.

Already, Geravand’s injury has drawn international attention, something Iran’s government has sought to dismiss. German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock wrote online: “Once again a young woman in #Iran is fighting for her life. Just because she showed her hair on the subway. It’s unbearable.”

U.S. Deputy Special Envoy for Iran Abram Paley also wrote that he was “shocked and concerned about reports that Iran’s so-called morality police have assaulted 16-year-old Armita Geravand.”

Iranian authorities likely worry about this incident escalating into popular anger like in Amini’s case. Women continue to ignore the hijab law despite the growing crackdown. That includes what Shargh described as Tehran’s city government hiring of some 400 people as “hijab guards” to give verbal warnings, prevent uncovered women from entering subway cars and hand them over to police.

(AP)



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Iranian ‘hack’ targets citizens who send videos to foreign broadcasters

Hardline media outlets in Iran claim the country’s security forces hacked the Telegram channel of Iran International, a Persian-language broadcaster that has extensively covered the year-old “Woman Life Freedom” protests. The outlets claim the regime intercepted messages in which Iranian citizens sent amateur images related to the protests to the UK-based broadcaster for publication. The channel denies it was hacked, and a FRANCE 24 review of the supposedly intercepted messages found no evidence that any of the amateur content was ever broadcast by Iran International.

With a news blackout in place in Iran on the protests that followed the death of Mahsa Amini last September, many Iranians have turned to Persian-language media broadcasting from overseas. With independent media barred from working in Iran, such channels rely heavily on amateur images published on social media or sent in by Iranian citizens. Videos filmed by citizens and sent to these media outlets outside Iran have become the main source for many Iranians of independent information about what is happening inside their country.

In what appears to be an attempt to discourage these ties, media affiliated with Iran’s hardline Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) have targeted Iran International, publishing what they say are messages in which Iranian citizens sent amateur videos for publication by the UK-based channel. Launched in the UK in 2017, the channel, which reportedly receives funding from Saudi sources, is one of the favourite destinations for amateur videos shot inside Iran. Iranian authorities have branded it a “terrorist organisation”.


Media affiliated with the IRGC, including the Fars News Agency, have published at least six online videos saying an unspecified “group of hackers” intercepted messages sent to Iran International.

 

Iran International denies the hacking. “I can state categorically that our Telegram account has not been hacked, or compromised in any way. It never has been. Such claims from the IRGC or its associates are false and are designed to frighten and intimidate people,” spokesperson Adam Baillie told FRANCE 24. “We are characterised by the Iranian authorities as a terrorist channel, which provides quasi-legal cover for threats against our staff and the harassment, often brutal, of their families in Iran.”

The designation of Iran International as a terrorist organisation means that Iranians accused of sending information to the channel could face severe penalties in Iranian courts.

A Fars News Agency alert about contacting Iran International television: “Alert to people who cooperate with enemy media”. © Observers

 

Alert to people who cooperate with enemy media

Media affiliated with the IRGC, including the Fars News Agency, have published at least six online videos saying an unspecified “group of hackers” intercepted messages sent to Iran International. The videos, posted since mid-September, feature amateur images supposedly sent to the UK-based channel via Telegram, along with screenshots of the senders’ messages and usernames with the account name blurred. The amateur images show protests and other anti-regime initiatives such as strikes by shopkeepers. 

One video, published on Telegram on September 15, showed screenshots of messages sent by a user named “Milad” in which he sent a video of an anti-regime protest along with this caption: “Aryashahr (a neighbourhood in Tehran), 17th or 18th Aban (September 8 or 9, 2022). Regime agents savagely beat up a young man.” FRANCE 24 was unable to confirm the sender’s identity or the context of the video, but Iranian web users suggested the claims of a hack were fabricated.


In a video published on X, formerly Twitter, on September 19, demonstrators chant: “The mullahs must go”.

 

Fars News Agency’s claim is BS

Iranian web users have been skeptical about the claims of a hack. “As someone who has sent many photos and videos [to Iran International], I can confirm Fars News Agency’s claim is BS,” said one tweet posted on September 20.

 


“If they had hacked the channel, they would have shown off about it by announcing they had hacked it and changing the profile picture,” another user wrote, referring to a common practice when the Iranian security forces hack into anti-regime accounts.


A third user wrote: “Hacking? That’s a joke! The IRGC fanboys can’t do anything more complex than basic HTML coding.”


 

Hacking Telegram is very difficult

Amin Sabeti is an Iranian cybersecurity expert based in London. He closely follows the activities of hackers close to the Islamic republic’s regime.

“In general, hacking the servers of a messaging app like Telegram is a very difficult task, not just for Iranians, but for any hacker in the world. The screenshots of the user messages supposedly sent to Iran International’s Telegram account are in a format that would only be visible by the Iran International Telegram account owner. I closely follow hackers working for the Iranian regime and I have never seen any indication that they are capable of directly hacking Telegram’s servers to access any account.

All the Iranian hackers have done so far is to trap the “end user”, using various techniques like phishing. For example, they send emails to account holders pretending to be from the Telegram company saying that someone is trying to hack your account or change your password.

There are two sides to the question of the safety of Iranians who turn to foreign media such as the BBC or Iran International. Concerning the news organisations, I know that the security measures of these media outlets are really good. They are up-to-date in keeping their accounts secure. That is why we have never had such a case so far.

The only possible problem, however, could be the Iranians who contact these news organisations, because they too need to protect their accounts. They need to update their apps and software, and make sure they do not have malware on their phones. And once they have sent their messages, they need to delete them themselves.”

 

No trace of the videos on Iran International accounts 

FRANCE 24 analysed the six video reports published by Fars and other IRGC-affiliated Telegram accounts. The IRGC reports featured more than 30 amateur videos supposedly sent to Iran International. The FRANCE 24 team then searched for other publications of the videos on social media, including archives of Iran International’s Telegram, X (formerly Twitter) and Instagram accounts over the last 12 months.  

Of the around 30 videos supposedly sent to Iran International by Iranian citizens:

  • None were published on Iran International’s social media accounts, including Telegram, X and Instagram.
  • Reverse image searches found no publication of the videos on other social media accounts. 
  • In at least in one case, the video could not have been recorded on the date it claimed because the environment is not the same as it was during the 2022 protests.

Video supposedly filmed in November 2022 was filmed in 2023

One video, published by Fars News on September 20, featured messages supposedly sent to Iran International in November 2022 by a Telegram user called “Nilo0o”. The supposed user sent a video showing closed businesses on a street with a caption saying: “General strike by the population in Rasht on 17 November 2022.” 

The video was filmed in the Golsar neighbourhood in the city of Rasht. It shows a bank, Melal Credit Institution, on Golsar Street between alleys 92 and 96, in a complex called the Blanca Palace. 

 

The video shows a bank, Melal Credit Institution, on Golsar Street in a complex called the Blanca Palace.
The video shows a bank, Melal Credit Institution, on Golsar Street in a complex called the Blanca Palace. © Observers

 

But other information indicates that the Golsar branch of the bank moved to that location in 2023. A video of Golsar Street filmed in January 2023 shows the same location vacant, with a banner giving contact information for the complex. 

 

This photo shows the same location vacant, with a banner giving contact information for the complex.
This photo shows the same location vacant, with a banner giving contact information for the complex. © Observers

 

Yellow Pages information indicate that Melal Credit had a branch at a different location on Golsar Street, 500 metres away near alley 109.

 

This photo shows that Melal Credit had a branch at a different location on Golsar Street, 500 metres away near alley 109.
This photo shows that Melal Credit had a branch at a different location on Golsar Street, 500 metres away near alley 109. © Observers

 

A posting by a business at that location in February 2023 said: ““I am the new owner at alley 109, pls Bank update your contact info!” 

A posting by a business at that location in February 2023 said: ““I am the new owner at alley 109, pls Bank update your contact info!”
A posting by a business at that location in February 2023 said: ““I am the new owner at alley 109, pls Bank update your contact info!” © Observers

The video supposedly intercepted by hackers could not have been filmed in November 2022.

If the regime succeeds in cutting this line, we will have a total information freeze

Bahram [not his real name] is an Iranian journalist who has been arrested or interrogated multiple times in recent years over his reporting on current affairs in Iran. He says that with widespread censorship in Iran, many Iranians turn to overseas broadcasters like Iran International for reliable news.

Iranians now record everything with their mobile phones: strikes, protests, police violence … and send the videos to organisations that will publish them. The amateur videos people send to overseas broadcasters are our only source of information. If the regime succeeds in cutting this line of communication, we will have a total information freeze in our country. We will not know what is going on: we’ll know absolutely nothing.

The regime has done its best to drive us into such a blackout. They have blocked social media, but people use VPN proxy servers to get access.

They have tried to discredit these media or activists through propaganda smear campaigns. Now the latest attempt is to scare people. They’re saying: “If you send them something, we will find you, so don’t send them anything.” However, I am not sure it will ultimately benefit the regime. Maybe in the short term people will hesitate for a few days to send videos to this or that media or activist, but in the long term I think nothing will change. You will not give up your water source, no matter how tiny it is, in a desert.



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