Tag: Iran

Iran uses arrests and intimidation to stop families commemorating protesters’ deaths

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Since September 16, Iranian authorities have been using arrests, death threats and direct attacks to prevent families from celebrating the anniversaries of the deaths of their loved ones killed during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests. The aim: to prevent these commemorations from giving rise to new anti-regime demonstrations throughout the country.

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The Iranian authorities had been scrutinising the date of September 16 for months. It was on that day in 2022 that 22-year-old Mahsa Amini died after being arrested by the Islamic Republic’s morality police. Her death launched a movement of protests that deeply shook Iranian society.

While the country remained relatively calm on the anniversary of Amini’s death, each day since then has marked the anniversary of the death of a protester killed by Iranian security forces during the first demonstrations. Families of those who lost their lives report house arrests, threats and summonses in what appears to be an attempt by the regime to silence all those who want to commemorate the death of a loved one.


Security Forces Vehicles Arrive In Rahmatabad, The Village Of Javad Heidary’s Family, On September 21.

The Heidary family wanted to commemorate the death of Javad Heidary, a 40-year-old protester in Qazvin, a town 150 km east of Tehran. He was killed by Iranian security forces on September 22 last year. On Thursday September 21, the day before the anniversary of his death, a convoy of security force vehicles descended on his family’s village. The security forces cut off roads leading to the village, and to the cemetery where Heidary is buried. The village’s internet connection was also cut. The security forces went so far as to attack the Heidary family home with tear gas and live ammunition.


Videos taken inside the house show family members, including children, hit by tear gas.


Une membre de la famille de Javad Heidary blessée après l’intervention des forces de securité.

In a voice message posted on X (formerly Twitter), a family member said that several of Heidary’s relatives, including his mother, were taken to hospital when authorities allowed ambulances to enter the village after a blockade that lasted several hours. The same source said that two of Heidary’s brothers and his father were arrested.


“Your other child will end up in the grave next to the one who died”

The attack on the Heidary home is the regime’s highest-profile reaction since the start of the planned commemorations for those who were killed last September. But in recent days, many families who had announced on social media that they were going to organise ceremonies in memory of their family members who were killed have cancelled the commemorations.

In a live chat on X that FRANCE 24 was able to listen to, several members of different protesters’ families recounted the pressure and threats they have faced. 

One explained: 

“The security forces call or summon family members, including distant cousins, to threaten us and put pressure on us.” 

Another added:

“We are told that if something bad happens to one of our relatives, it will be our fault. Or they’ll say: ‘Your other child will end up in the grave next to the one who died. Your child will be buried next to his father or mother if you go to the cemetery in the coming days’.”

Another participant in the live chat said that security forces had stopped children as young as seven years old in the street and threatened them to get the message across to their families. 

Another said: 

“The families themselves are not afraid of death, but the security forces threaten to kill distant family members or people attending the memorial ceremonies. The families can’t take the risk and are cancelling the ceremonies.”

Families of high-profile ‘martyrs’ targeted 

Among the families under threat is that of Nika Shakarami, one of the best-known “martyrs” of the protests, who was killed at the age of 17. Her relatives say they cancelled a planned commemoration ceremony after officials warned her mother she would be arrested if she went to her daughter’s grave site. Shakarami’s aunt, with whom she lived, suffered a stroke as a result of this intense pressure, the family said.

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The family of Hadis Najafi, another protester whose name became famous after she was killed by a police shotgun blast, also reports receiving threats. Several members of her family were arrested on September 15, then released. Najafi, 22, had posted a video on social media in which she declared, “I take part in these demonstrations so that, after a few years, when I look back, I’ll be happy and see that everything has changed”.


The family of 22-year-old Hananeh Kia, who was killed on September 21 last year in a protest in Noshahr in northern Iran, has also suffered apparent intimidation. Her father, mother and 15-year-old sister Helia were arrested on August 27 and released three weeks later.

At least 537 demonstrators were killed during 2022’s anti-regime protests. The security forces also injured thousands of demonstrators and arrested at least 90,000 people, according to official figures.



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Armenians find themselves pushed aside yet again

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Jamie Dettmer is opinion editor at POLITICO Europe. 

Last week, U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres warned that the world is “inching ever closer to a great fracture in economic and financial systems and trade relations.”

That may be so, but not when it comes to Azerbaijan.

A country a third of the size of Britain and with a population of about 10 million, Azerbaijan has faced few problems in bridging geopolitical divisions. And recently, Baku has been offering a masterclass in how to exploit geography and geology to considerable advantage.

From Washington to Brussels, Moscow to Beijing, seemingly no one wants to fall out with Azerbaijan; everyone wants to be a friend. Even now, as Armenia has turned to the world for help, accusing Baku of attempted ethnic cleansing in disputed Nagorno-Karabakh — the land-locked and long-contested Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan.

Warning signs had been mounting in recent weeks that Baku might be planning a major offensive, which it dubbed an “anti-terrorist operation,” and Armenia had been sending up distress flares. But not only were these largely overlooked, Baku has since faced muted criticism for its assault as well.

Western reaction could change, though, if Azerbaijan were to now engage in mass ethnic cleansing — but Baku is canny enough to know that.

Since Russia invaded Ukraine, Azerbaijan has been courted by all sides, becoming one of the war’s beneficiaries.

On a visit to Baku last year, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had only warm words for the country’s autocratic leader Ilham Aliyev, saying she saw him as a reliable and trustworthy energy partner for the European Union.

Then, just a few weeks later, Alexander Lukashenko — Russian President Vladimir Putin’s satrap in Belarus — had no hesitation in describing Aliyev as “absolutely our man.”

Is there any other national leader who can be a pal of von der Leyen and Lukashenko at the same time?

Aliyev is also a friend of Turkey; Baku and Beijing count each other as strategic partners, with Azerbaijan participating in China’s Belt and Road Initiative; and the country has been working on expanding military cooperation with Israel as well. In 2020 — during the last big flare-up in this intractable conflict — Israel had supplied Azerbaijan with drones, alongside Turkey.

That’s an impressive list of mutually exclusive friends and suitors — and location and energy explain much.

Upon her arrival in Azerbaijan’s capital last year, von der Leyen wasn’t shy about highlighting Europe’s need to “diversify away from Russia” for its energy needs, announcing a deal with Baku to increase supplies from the southern gas corridor — the 3,500-kilometer pipeline bringing gas from the Caspian Sea to Europe.

She also noted that Azerbaijan “has a tremendous potential in renewable energy” in offshore wind and green hydrogen, enthusing that “gradually, Azerbaijan will evolve from being a fossil fuel supplier to becoming a very reliable and prominent renewable energy partner to the European Union.”

There was no mention of Azerbaijan’s poor human rights record, rampant corruption or any call for the scores of political prisoners to be released.

Azerbaijan uses oil and gas “to silence the EU on fundamental rights issues,” Philippe Dam of Human Rights Watch complained at the time. “The EU should not say a country is reliable when it is restricting the activities of civil society groups and crushing political dissent,” he added.

Eve Geddie, director of Amnesty International’s Brussels office, warned: “Ukraine serves as a reminder that repressive and unaccountable regimes are rarely reliable partners and that privileging short-term objectives at the expense of human rights is a recipe for disaster.”

But von der Leyen isn’t the first top EU official to speak of Azerbaijan as such a partner. In 2019, then EU Council President Donald Tusk also praised Azerbaijan for its reliability.

Since Russia invaded Ukraine, however, the EU’s courting has become even more determined — and, of course, the bloc isn’t alone. Rich in oil and gas and located between Russia, Iran, Armenia, Georgia and the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan is a strategic prize, sitting “on the crossroads of former major empires, civilizations and regional and global powerhouses,” according to Fariz Ismailzade of ADA University in Baku.

And Azerbaijan’s growing importance in the latest great game in Central Asia is reflected in the increase in foreign diplomatic missions located in its capital — in 2005 there were just two dozen, now there are 85.

For Ankara, and Beijing — eager to expand their influence across Central Asia — Azerbaijan is a key player in regional energy projects, as well as the development of new regional railways and planned infrastructure and connectivity projects.

Thanks to strong linguistic, religious and cultural ties, Turkey has been Azerbaijan’s main regional ally since it gained independence. But Baku has been adept at making sure it keeps in with all its suitors. It realizes they all offer opportunities but could also be dangerous, should relations take a dive.

And this holds for all the key players in the region, whether it be the EU, Turkey, China or Russia. The reason Baku can get on with a highly diverse set of nations — and why there likely won’t be many serious repercussions for Baku with this latest military foray — is that no one wants to give geopolitical rivals an edge and upset the fragile equilibrium in Central Asia. That includes its traditional foe Iran – Baku and Tehran have in recent months been trying to build a détente after years of hostility.

For the Armenians, so often finding themselves wronged by history, this is highly unfortunate. They might have been better advised to follow Azerbaijan’s example and try to be everyone’s friend, instead of initially depending on Russia, then pivoting West — a pirouette that’s lost them any sympathy in Moscow.

But then again, Armenia hasn’t been blessed with proven reserves of oil or natural gas like its neighbor.



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Iran one year after Mahsa Amini’s death

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The 22-year-old’s death on 16 September sparked one of the largest – and most significant – waves of dissent to shake the Islamic Republic in years.

Security forces in Iran have prepared themselves well for the first anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s death. 

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The young Kurdish woman died on 16 September 2022 in the custody of the Iranian morality police (known as Irshad Patrol), sparking major nationwide protests.  

One year on, the political and social effects of her death still ripple through the country. 

Several hundred demonstrators were killed and more than 20,000 people were arrested during the protests that lasted several months. It is known as the “Woman Life Freedom” movement, reflecting the slogan used by those opposed to the Islamic Republic. 

Dozens of the regime’s security forces and its infamous Basij force were also killed and injured during the unrest.

But what impact have the protests had on Iran? 

Resistance to compulsory hijab has become a sign of protest

In Iran, women must cover their hair with a headscarf by law. 

Even before last year’s protest movement, Iranian women would commonly be seen wearing it loosely around their heads or at times their shoulders in defiance of the rules, which are deeply unpopular among large parts of the population. 

Disputes over the mandatory hijab have become one of the main issues hitting the headlines inside Iran. 

Without officially announcing their decision, Iranian authorities withdrew the morality police – who enforce the country’s strict Islamic dress codes and rules – from the streets in the weeks and months following Amini’s death. 

Violence perpetrated by the morality police towards women and girls is widely cited as one of the main factors leading up to the dissent. 

Now Iranian officials are trying to find a way to deal with the growing number of women who are refusing to cover their hair. 

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Yet, the balance of power between the regime and defiant women may have changed.

Although the authorities have stressed several times in recent months that those breaking the rules will be punished, observers say the current situation is vastly different from what women faced before Amini’s death.

Before the protests, Iranian officials were concerned mainly with women wearing what they called “bad hijab” – not wearing it in a way that covers the hair completely – whereas nowadays they see more and more women without a headscarf in public.

Amini herself was arrested by the morality police for alleged “bad hijab”, while travelling with her family to the capital, Tehran. She reportedly was badly beaten, suffering several violent blows to the head, though Iran’s authorities deny this. 

Morality police have returned to the streets to resume their patrols, with women seen unveiled in their cars sent warnings over SMS. However, these officers are no longer presenting themselves as “morality police” as they used to before Amini’s death. 

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A Euronews report in April found China was “turbocharging” this crackdown on Iranian women, providing crucial technologies and other support to Iran’s government. 

Ali Khamenei, the leader of the Islamic Republic, a few months ago spoke about the acceptance of “weak hijab”, as he called it. 

His comments could be interpreted as a sign that the Iranian authorities now prioritise dealing with women who refuse to cover up at all. 

Still, many ordinary Iranians are more concerned about skyrocketing prices and the country’s sanctions-racked economy.  

A recent measure taken by Iranian authorities to confront and punish rule breakers is the so-called “Chastity and Hijab” bill, which empowers intelligence agencies and the police to take action against women. 

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United Nations experts have labelled the legal changes, which create new penalties and heavy fines for unveiled women, “gender apartheid”.

A growing appetite for ‘regime change’

Sparked by Amini’s death, protests have morphed into one of the most significant challenges to Iran’s theocratic rulers in years. 

Unrest was eventually crushed amid a wave of violence and bloodshed, with the security forces shooting people for honking their cars in support of demonstrators and using military-grade weapons in Iranian Kurdistan. 

But protests continue in Sistan and Baluchistan, with weekly demos in the latter’s capital Zahedan persisting long after relative calm returned elsewhere in the country.

The nationwide protests in 2022 were not only one of the most serious challenges to the regime since the 1979 Islamic revolution, they were also unprecedented in terms of geographical spread and length. 

Experts suggested to Euronews in November that the society was uniquely united, with Iranian human rights lawyer Shadi Sadr saying at the time that the unrest showed the regime had lost approval among its “core supporters“.

Iranian authorities – caught off guard by the dissent – are now ultra-sensitive towards a possible return of trouble on the streets. 

The arrest of relatives of killed protestors ahead of the Amini anniversary has been interpreted by some as a sign of the regime’s insecurity. 

Disagreements inside the regime about how to deal with resistance have also been reported in recent months, with Cornelius Adebahr, a non-resident fellow at the Carnegie Europe research centre, pointing to possible “power struggles” among elites back in December. 

Besides “woman, life, freedom”, many protesters chanted slogans openly calling for regime change. 

Previous leaders in Iran, such as former president Hassan Rouhani, have tried to reform the Islamic Republic from the inside, relaxing social restrictions. But the protests underscored that many Iranians, especially the young, want a complete change of system. 

Iranians are facing an economic crisis mainly due to international sanctions over the country’s nuclear programme. 

Households up and down the country are challenged by rapid and consecutive waves of price increases, with the Iranian currency losing more than 90% of its value over a decade, according to The Economist.

The authorities are worried about the possible convergence of public protests against dire economic conditions, like those that erupted in 2019 due to fuel price rises, with unrest similar to that after Amini’s death. 

An uneasy status quo between the regime and protestors has settled in but the current situation seems unstable, tense and fragile in many ways.

Any incident in the coming weeks and months could possibly break the balance of power in one way or another. Any unknowable event, like the death of Amini, could “surprise” political observers. 

In the meantime, one of the main uncertainties for the regime is who will take over from the 84-year-old supreme leader. 

Ali Khamenei has led the Islamic Republic for more than three-quarters of its tumultuous history. He is the final decision-maker in the country, especially on matters related to security and foreign policy. 

Owing to the importance of his role and position, some say that it is difficult to believe Iran and its military-security complex will not change in his absence.

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Proposed hijab penalties in Iran: ‘They can’t prosecute millions of women’

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One year ago this Saturday, 22-year-old Mahsa Amini died after being arrested by Iran’s morality police for wearing her hijab “improperly”. Her death led to massive anti-regime protests, known by their now-iconic slogan: “Woman, Life, Freedom”. The Observers team has been in regular contact with dozens of women across Iran over the past 12 months. Many of them have told us that it has become the “new normal” for millions of women in Iran to go out in public with their hair uncovered. But with a new law under discussion that would massively increase the penalties for hijab-related offenses, how long will these new freedoms last?

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While a year ago it was unusual to see women without hijab in public spaces in Iran, thousands of amateur images posted online – and the accounts of women inside the country – show that millions of Iranian women now routinely go out in public without the Islamic head covering. 

A new law is under discussion in the Iranian parliament that would increase the penalties for the improper wearing of hijab from the equivalent of 1 euro to 3,000 euros, and the maximum prison sentence from two months to 10 years. The proposed law has special measures for so-called “celebrities”, including the confiscation of 10 percent of their assets.

‘I no longer wear hijab in public spaces’

Sita (not her real name) is a young Iranian university student who lives in Tehran. Although she grew up in a religious family, she has decided to stop wearing a hijab.

After the protests started, this question in my head became louder and louder: Why do I have to seek permission from the state – from an ideology that I don’t even believe in – to live the way I want to live? I have found new courage to stand up for my choices, despite the risks.

In the last year, many things have changed for me. The first change was in my family. I feel that they are much more open-minded and look at women differently than they used to.

Since the death of Mahsa Amini, I no longer wear hijab in public spaces. Society has generally been supportive. Before the protests, if you went out in public without hijab, people would stare at you, even other women. Now, the most common reaction is a simple smile. Sometimes people say encouraging words when they pass by.

History has taught us that any change in society is difficult, and entrenched ideologies are difficult to crack. Despite all this, I see many changes in society. I have the feeling that many people who are religious and observant have asked themselves this question: “If I have the freedom to lead the lifestyle I choose, then girls and women on the street who do not wear hijab should have the same right to dress the way they want.” 

We’ve seen that Iranians are willing to pay the price for supporting women. The café owner accepts that his café might be closed down for a few days, but he does not ask the women in his café to wear the hijab. When men fight like this for women’s rights, it shows that a revolution has happened in a macho society.


Dancing for girls in public in Iran with no Islamic hijab could have a severe consequences, however many Instagram infeluencers share their videos.

‘They can’t prosecute the millions of women in the streets’

The “celebrities” targeted by the draft law could include social media influencers. One of the favourite targets for arrests by Iranian security forces in the weeks before the anniversary has been female influencers who post images of themselves without hijab to their tens of thousands of followers.

In recent months, several Iranian influencers have been arrested, among them a female motorcyclist, a young lifestyle and fashion influencer, a travel blogger and Sar, a teenager whose video of her with her friends in a shopping mall went viral.

Varia (not her real name) is a lifestyle influencer who lives in Shiraz. She talks about the pressure influencers face.

It’s scary. Every day I hear that a friend or colleague has been arrested, their bank account frozen or their car impounded. But I am glad that there are so many women who resist despite the threats and pressure by the regime. Even if they silence women who are so-called “celebrities”, they cannot prosecute the millions of women in the streets.

The most impressive change I have observed since a year ago is that verbal harassment of women on the street – which used to be not uncommon – has decreased. I have not had a bad experience in a year, even though I’m downtown working every day.

The private sector does not dare to require its female employees to wear hijab. As far as I can tell, people have made their peace with women’s personal choice. And what is even nicer is that these changes can be observed not only in the rich neighbourhoods of Tehran, but also in the poor neighbourhoods in the south of Tehran and in other cities. These changes are permanent, I think, they are the result of 40 years of resistance.


Elaheh Asgri is a travel blogger, she was recently arretsed for weeks.

Iranian authorities have also targeted Iran’s fast-growing start-up industry, accusing it of propagating Western values by allowing women to go to work without a hijab.

In recent months, several start-ups were targeted by security forces. Some of them had to stop working for weeks, others had their headquarters attacked or their executives arrested.

Shamila (not her real name) is a senior executive at a start-up in Tehran. She talks about her experience over the past year.

Most people who work in startups support the “Women, Life, Freedom” protests. Most women at start-ups like ours refuse to wear hijab. However, it is easier to bully start-ups than millions of women on the streets, one by one. The authorities send threatening letters and sometimes order start-ups to close their office for a few days. The companies that own the start-ups just want to avoid headaches and keep the money flowing.

I think this will force more Iranians than ever – especially talented women working in these startups – to migrate abroad.

The women we have been speaking to believe – or hope – that the protests sparked by Mahsa Amini’s death have changed Iranian society forever. But they say there is more to be done to remove the theocratic regime that governs their lives, and they will keep fighting.


Sar, a teenager influencer who’s one her video went viral and the she was arrested for days

Varia, the influencer, says:

For months I was preoccupied with the price we pay for these changes: People, teenagers and even children who have lost their lives. I wish all that spilt blood had made a bigger difference. But I think all that pain has led our society to where we are now.

This bloodshed has made the equation clear to everyone in Iran, I think: either we put an end to them or they put an end to us, there is no middle ground.

Sita is also optimistic about the future:

The war is not over yet, but so far we have won some battles. You can see by their actions that the regime is desperate; they are arresting singers, journalists, university professors. But I’m optimistic about the future of our country. I’m really focused on the present. What can I do? How can I help the protests to succeed?



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Water woes could pave the way for improved EU-Iran relations

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The bigger picture that the EU needs to consider if it wants to devise an effective and comprehensive strategy towards Iran is one of a country facing a fundamental political, economic, environmental, societal, and demographic crisis, Cornelius Adebahr writes.

July turned out to be “Earth’s hottest month”. Places like Phoenix and Beijing, located on nearly opposite sides of the globe, suffered from the same heat event. 

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In a world with growing potential for military conflict, these very tangible effects of climate change should remind friends and foes just how closely connected they are.

One place, however, stands out: Iran. The country is not only hit hard by global warming but also run by a regime that thrives on regional instability and enmity with the West. 

Dealing with the Islamic Republic will therefore be decisive for how to address global challenges even with unfriendly actors more broadly.

However, as the polarised, toxic debate in the US does not allow for nuances, the European Union and its member states have to come up with such policy innovation.

Obviously, that’s easier said than done, given that the EU over the past year has hardened its stance vis-à-vis Tehran over a number of issues. 

Iran’s drone supply to Russia, used for indiscriminate attacks on Ukrainian cities, tops this list, followed closely by the regime’s crackdown on popular dissent, its stalling on the nuclear negotiations, and — though much less in the public’s view — its overt hostage-taking of dual nationals to extract concessions.

None of this makes the Islamic Republic a particularly pleasant actor to deal with, let alone one to provide with any benefits from cooperation. 

At the same time, EU member states do have interests in the region that require a minimum of, yes, give-and-take. 

Simply shunning the regime, as some demanded in response to the most recent revolt, neither improves the country’s human rights record nor can it undo the nuclear or other threats.

Water scarcity is compounding Iran’s woes

This is where the climate kicks in: while Southern Europe has struggled with an immense heat wave this summer, Iran has suffered from record-breaking temperatures. 

Both here and there, increased evaporation due to rising temperatures and decreasing groundwater levels, coupled with poor water management and increased water use for crops, energy, and industry, lead to widespread shortages. 

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In early August, the Iranian government imposed a COVID-style nationwide shutdown in response to the extreme heat — while Italy considers a pandemic-like furlough scheme for those working outside.

So far, violent clashes have been rare but did occur in Iran — fairly frequently, for example in Khuzestan and Isfahan — and Europe (more seldom, but earlier this year in France). 

Not coincidentally, it is the province of Sistan and Baluchistan in Eastern Iran on the border with Pakistan that has seen the most sustained protests over the months following the death of Mahsa Amini last September — and which, according to the country’s lawmakers, will run out of water by mid-September.

Water scarcity, it appears, is a matter that links — and compounds — many other policy issues plaguing Iran in particular. 

Protecting cronies will be Tehran regime’s undoing

It saps economic growth in a society whose erstwhile youth bulb is growing older just as birth rates decline and emigration grows, due to high unemployment as much as political repression. 

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It also pits groups of society, rural and urban, farmers and consumers, against one another when both ethnic tensions and a core-periphery divide create instability.

Moreover, clientelist water policies favouring cronies in the political establishment and the security apparatus, which again control much of the country’s infrastructure — think of dams for electricity generation — and industry (like chemicals, steel, and refineries), have helped turn the population against a political system built on religious zeal and the suppression of women. 

This, at a moment when a leadership succession is most likely only years away, given Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s high age — he’s 84 — and poor health, at least according to frequent speculations.

Tying its fate with Russia against the West

And that’s before looking at the regional picture, where skirmishes with Afghanistan, disputes with Iraq and Turkey over transboundary water flows, and the threat of war with Israel over the country’s nuclear program outweigh Tehran’s yet-untested recent rapprochement with Saudi Arabia. 

Globally, the Islamic Republic has tied its fate to Russia and China to better confront “the West”, though the resultant economic and political dependencies do little to ease that country’s many environmental woes.

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Therefore, the bigger picture that the EU needs to consider if it wants to devise an effective and comprehensive strategy towards Iran is one of a country facing a fundamental political, economic, environmental, societal, and demographic crisis. 

Still, rather than hope for the regime’s rather-sooner-than-later demise, the EU should look for ways to cooperate on shared challenges — for the benefit of tackling these as much as in the interest of establishing ties into an otherwise closed society.

Water might be the reason to build bridges

Admitting to its own struggles with the effects of climate change, such as increasing water scarcity, goes a long way to addressing urgent environmental needs at eye level.

An open dialogue on regenerative processes that will tangibly benefit Iran’s society and economy could help create a basis for trust that is otherwise lacking. 

It would also allow engagement with government actors, both national and local, as well as international organisations in the country while bringing in civil society and academia.

Such efforts would help the EU develop its nascent water diplomacy into an operational approach that could be applied to other world regions. 

It would also serve as a template for dealing with other antagonist regimes of relevance to Europe, by identifying a policy area for non-ideological, human needs-based cooperation. 

Given the situation around Iran is representative of the geopolitical conflicts to come, ending the current stalemate and engaging in meaningful cooperation would serve the EU well in its quest to become a relevant actor at the global level.

Cornelius Adebahr is an independent analyst and consultant working on European foreign policy, including for Carnegie Europe. He is the author of “Europe and Iran: The Nuclear Deal and Beyond”.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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A year ago, an Iranian woman’s death sparked hijab protests; Now businesses are a new battleground

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For months, Iranian authorities did little to enforce the law on women covering their hair but now the country’s theocracy is pushing to make businesses the new battleground over the mandatory headscarf.

The effort comes ahead of the first anniversary of nationwide protests that erupted after the Sept. 16 death of Mahsa Amini in the custody of the country’s morality police. A crackdown by security forces that followed saw more than 530 people killed and over 22,000 arrested.

Explained | Mahsa Amini and the widespread protests in Iran 

These days, with uncovered women a common sight on Tehran streets, authorities have begun raiding companies where women employees or customers have been seen without the headscarf, or hijab. Iran’s parliament is discussing a law that would increase punishments on uncovered women and the businesses they frequent.

The developments could foment new unrest as parliamentary elections loom next year and the country’s economy struggles under the weight of international sanctions imposed over Iran’s nuclear program.

“If I face penalties and punishment, I will wear the headscarf since I am in a … prominent position,” said Parvaneh, a doctor who treated protesters injured during demonstrations last year. Like several other women who spoke to The Associated Press, she asked that only her first name be used for fear of reprisals.

“But the young people I treated during the protests will not pull back,” she added.

For observant Muslim women, the head covering is a sign of piety before God and modesty in front of men outside their families. In Iran, the hijab — and the all-encompassing black chador worn by some — has long been a political symbol as well, particularly after becoming mandatory in the years following the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

After the death of Amini, who was picked up for her allegedly loose headscarf, police were hesitant to strictly enforce the Islamic dress code — possibly to avoid even wider demonstrations and displays of defiance. But in recent weeks, the tone has changed.

“I’m telling you that this lack of hijab will be definitely put an end to,“ hard-line President Ebrahim Raisi said Wednesday.

Authorities have started sending warning text messages to women seen without the veil in cars: around 1 million messages were sent. In time, some 2,000 cars were confiscated and over 4,000 women referred to prosecutors.

Next, security forces scoured social media for companies with images of uncovered women in the workplace. One of the offices of Digikala, a hugely popular digital retail websites with more than 40 million active monthly users, was closed. Also briefly shut were the online bookstore Taghcheh and insurance marketplace Azki.

The crackdown extended beyond the capital of Tehran. In the northern city of Lahaijan, local health officials ordered hospitals and clinics to stop providing services to uncovered woman. In Damavand, a town some 60 kilometres (40 miles) east of Tehran, prosecutors ordered the arrest of a bank manager and a teller over serving a woman not wearing the hijab.

Outdoor café seating is now banned in the northeastern city of Mashhad and hard-liners in Isfahan want to ban the mixed working of men and women in shops.

The entertainment industry is also being watched. Police have threatened to shut down film productions that have women without headscarves working behind cameras.

Judges also have also sentenced female celebrities convicted of not wearing the veil to work in morgues as a public service, in lieu of prison time. They also have to obtain a mental health certificate from a psychologist before they can go back to their regular jobs.

“Instead of addressing people’s legitimate grievances, the regime continues to obsess over the hijab and act as if its very survival depends on whether women dress modestly,” said Haleh Esfandiari, a fellow at the Washington-based Wilson Center and an Iranian-American dual national who was held by Tehran in 2007.

A new bill before Iran’s parliament could make penalties for women even more serious. It calls for fines of up to 360 million Iranian rials ($720) and prison sentences for women without the headscarf. The draft legislation also calls for more strictly segregating the sexes in schools, parks, hospitals and other locations.

It also envisages fines on businesses with female staff and customers who do not wear the hijab with up to three months of their income, while offending celebrities can be banned from leaving the country and performing.

The bill would also empower intelligence agencies and the Basij — the all-volunteer force of Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard that has violently suppressed nationwide protests in the past — to confront women without hijabs.

Hard-liners have long demanded that the Basij enter the fight over the hijab, with some chanting at at Friday prayers in Tehran, “Guard, come to the street, put an end to hijab removal!”

“This is what Islam orders,” said Rahele Kargarnejad, 29, a firm supporter of wearing the hijab. Her two daughters, ages 9 and 11, wear the chador, she added.

But criticism of the proposed bill is already simmering.

Ezzeatollah Zarghami, a hard-line former Guard commander and the current minister for cultural heritage, warned that harsh sentences such as the mandatory morgue work “will cause more and significant problems instead of solving the hijab problem.”

Iran’s Supreme Court overturned a court order impounding an uncovered woman’s car for a year and revoking her license, setting a precedent.

Even if it passes, prominent lawyer Mahmoud Alizadeh Tabatabei described the draft law as meaningless since “the majority of women do not believe in it.”

“They will find out that the law is not enforceable,” Mr. Tabatabaei said.

Meanwhile, politicians known in Iran as reformists have seized on the hijab dispute as they seek to changes Iran’s theocracy from within the system. Former President Mohammad Khatami, one of the country’s most prominent reformists, has questioned whether enforcing the hijab was “wise and productive.”

With hard-liners dominating the parliament and elections coming up in March, the hijab could become a contested topic ahead of the polls.

But anti-hijab comments may not be enough as reformists have seen their popularity wane following the collapse of the 2015 nuclear deal under then-President Hassan Rouhani, also considered a moderate.

On the streets, many Iranian women and girls still forgo the headscarf despite possible consequences.

“After hearing about the bill I made my decision — I will go to my school with the full hijab but I encourage my students to remove it whenever it is possible,” said Mojgan, a 37-year-old secondary school teacher.

“My students are already ahead of me on that,” she added.

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Sextape scandal reveals the ‘double life’ of Iran’s ultra-conservative authorities

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Social networks in Iran have been flooded with compromising footage featuring several known ultra-conservative officials engaging in homosexual activities. While homosexuality is punishable by death in Iran, the Iranian regime has attempted to deny the videos and cover up the scandals. We spoke to a former religious authority who says authorities are trying to “save face” by refuting the wave of videos.

Homosexuality is illegal in Iran, and punishable by imprisonment, abuse, fines, or execution.

On July 18, a video showing Reza Seghati, the director general of the office of the Ministry of Culture in Gilan province in northern Iran, engaging in sexual activities emerged on Telegram on a channel called “Gilan News”. 

The footage shows him having intercourse with another man. It appears that Seghati is not aware of the camera’s presence in the room. 

Screengrab of a video showing Reza Seghati entering a room and engaging in sexual intercourse with another man © Observers

The offices of the Ministry of Culture in each province are responsible for issuing permits for any kind of cultural or artistic production. In reality, these offices are responsible for censoring these creations and ensuring they align with Islamic values and Sharia law.

Reza Seghati is known for being a hardline conservative and for his efforts to increase restrictions on women’s social freedoms, including tightening mandatory headscarf regulations. For instance, he spearheaded the “Neighbourhood hijab and virtue chastity” watchdog campaign in Gilan province to help enforce headscarf laws. 

The homosexual video of him triggered an outcry on Iranian social media, as people online accused him of hypocrisy. Although he has been called a “champion of Islamic values and the Islamic family” by Gilan province conservatives for his extremist beliefs, these videos allege that he is leading a double life.


“We should be careful not to label a homosexual relationship as a vice or any other label that the Islamic Republic attaches to homosexuals. We should not repeat their behaviour and condemn what happened. The problem here is not Seghati’s sexual relationship with another man, but the lies, hypocrisy and deception,” this tweet reads.

According to Iranian media, Seghati was “replaced” as director general without any explanation. Seven other men were arrested in connection with this affair, but Seghati himself has not faced any legal action in the wake of the video’s publication.

The scandal has reached the highest echelons of the Islamic regime in Tehran. According to Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, the speaker of the Iranian parliament, it was mentioned in Iran’s National Security Council.

However, it appears that the regime is not prosecuting Seghati for his actions, but is actively seeking the person who recorded, leaked and shared these videos. Mojtaba Zolnouri, Deputy Speaker of the Parliament of the Islamic Republic, said, “The crime of those who released these videos is greater than the fornicators’”. 

Reza Seghati has not commented on the video.

Several days after the video was released, the person behind the “Gilan News” channel on Telegram, who first posted these videos, claimed that he was threatened with death and that his family members were arrested in Iran for several hours.

But the headaches of the Islamic Republic regime did not end there. More sex tapes were on the way.

On July 21, videos of Mohammad Safari, a fundamentalist and member of the Anzali Municipal Council, also a town in the Gilan province, surfaced on social media. In the video, he is seen smoking opium and masturbating while looking at his mobile phone.

Mohammad Safari, the man in the white shirt smokes opium, then masturbates. France24 has decided not to publish this part of the video.
Mohammad Safari, the man in the white shirt smokes opium, then masturbates. France24 has decided not to publish this part of the video. © Observers

Read moreLeaked sextapes of Iranian politicians show ‘hypocrisy’ of Islamic Republic

Explicit video calls between two Mullahs

Then, hot on the heels of the previous scandals, an alleged explicit video call between two Mullahs (an honorific title for clergymen or a mosque leader) surfaced on social media on July 30.

One of these mollahs is said to be Mahdi Haghshenas, the former deputy of the Office for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice in Gilan Province, the other man in the video is allegedly his brother-in-law (the husband of his wife’s sister), also a Mullah. While many Iranian media outlets abroad have confirmed the authenticity of the videos, FRANCE 24 was unable to independently confirm this.

The Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice in Iran is one of the main agencies used by the Islamic regime in Tehran to impose Sharia law on the Iranian people. Haghshenas is known for his extreme views on Sharia law, his restrictions on social freedom, his hostility to science and his opposition to all vaccines.

Screengrabs of an explicit video call said to be between two mollahs, in which they mention multiple previous encounters they have already had.
Screengrabs of an explicit video call said to be between two mollahs, in which they mention multiple previous encounters they have already had. © Observers

‘The Islamic Republic tries to cover up these leaks to save the face of its religious structure’

Javad Akbarein is an Iranian intellectual living in Paris. He used to be a Mullah and studied at well-known religious schools in Iran’s Qom. He says these sex tapes are just the “tip of the iceberg”.

I think the current situation is the result of four decades of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s policies. They have created a religious cult. They have endowed this cult with money, power and prerogatives and given it power throughout the country. It is normal that people who want to benefit from the exclusive privileges of this cult join it, even if their actual lifestyle contradicts the values of this cult and they have to lead a double life.

On the other hand, I can also say that most of them have never seen or touched a woman before marriage. Women are taboo, women mean sin to them. With this strong pressure on any kind of relationship with women – forbidding even the thought of women – relationships with other men are easier because there is no surveillance or pressure on male friendships.These relationships are rooted in the small friendship groups among these extremists who trust each other and believe that no one would find out.

And what we are now seeing in a series of videos is just the tip of the iceberg. We don’t have statistics on sexual activity in the mosques or religious schools and it’s much harder for journalists or activists to investigate in countries like Iran or Iraq because these are dictatorships.

‘People are angry about this hypocrisy, not about the sexuality of these people’

I know these people, I studied for years in the religious schools in Qom in Iran, and I can confirm that every year there are many such cases in these religious schools, which are reported to the dean of the school. What they do is ignore it and hide it, sometimes one or both people involved are dismissed. However, if the police or anyone else finds out about this kind of sexual relationship, it means prison, torture and even possible execution, according to Sharia law.

Iranians are actually angry about this hypocrisy, not about the sexuality of these people. These people claim to be virtuous and holy. They have imposed the strict rules of Sharia on people; they have imposed the hijab on women. If Iran were not a theocracy and if they were not representatives of this religious dictatorship, we would not be talking about them, because it is a relationship between two consenting adults.

Therefore, the Islamic Republic tries to cover up or deny these leaks in order to save the face of its religious structure and its soldiers.

But I think the important point lies elsewhere. When a society is angry, it goes after the people who are responsible for its anger, who are the source of its hatred, that is, against the Mullahs and Islamists, using all the means at its disposal.

Iranians have nothing but mobile phones and social media at their disposal, and that is what is happening. People are using these tools to monitor and trap these people. And I’m sure this is just the beginning, more and more videos like this will be recorded and released.

This is not the first time that prominent representatives of the Islamic Republic have been implicated in sex scandals. In 2016, Saeed Toosi, an internationally known Quran reciter, was accused of raping underage male trainees.

Although numerous witnesses and victims turned to the media, Saeed Toosi was not convicted in court. He is known as the favourite reciter of Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran.



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Iranian parliament to consider law targeting ‘celebrities’ who defy hijab law

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Under a new law under consideration in Iran, “celebrities” who defy the Islamic Republic’s hijab restrictions could find themselves facing confiscation of 10% of their total assets. The proposed bill is the latest effort by hardliners in the regime to suppress support for the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protest movement, in which many Iranian actors, athletes and social media influencers have participated in one way or another.

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On July 23, Iranian media reported that the Islamic Republic’s parliament plans to debate a bill that would take action against the widespread opposition of Iranian women to the hijab requirement in Iran. Under current law in Iran, any woman who does not cover her head and her body in public faces up to 2 months in prison or a fine of up to 50,000 tomans (one euro). The bill proposes strengthening those maximum penalties for all women to 10 years in prison and 150 million tomans (€3,000, 30 times the monthly minimum wage). The minimum monthly wage in Iran is about €110.

The bill, submitted by the parliament’s research centre, contains a special provision for “celebrities”, allowing the government to confiscate up to 10 percent of their wealth, and banning them from working in their field. for 15 years. The bill’s use of the word “celebrities”, an anglicism commonly used in Iran, means it could be used against a wide range of people. 

 





The research center wrote in a memo regarding the bill: “These new measures will be preemptive. They will make it impossible for our enemies to use public arrests by police for their own propaganda purposes.”   

The protests were sparked in September 2022 when Mahsa Amini died after being arrested by Iran’s so-called morality police known as “Garsht-e Ershad”. The unit halted their patrols soon afterward, but Iran’s police announced July 16 that patrols targeting “immoral clothing” had resumed. 

READ MORE: Morality police patrols return to Iran’s streets after 10 months

During the 10 months of protests, countless thousands of Iranian women have chosen to stop wearing hijab and go about their daily lives with their hair uncovered. They have been joined by numerous actors, musicians and athletes, who have appeared without headscarves at public appearances and on their social media accounts. Beauty and fashion influencers with large followings on Instagram and other social media have also abandoned the hijab.

This Iranian stylist specialised in hijabi fashion before the 2022-23 protests. She now poses with her hair uncovered. © Observers

Actress Taraneh Alidousti, who has appeared without a hijab in support of the protests, was arrested in December 2022, held for nearly three weeks, and ordered to pay a fine. She has reportedly been banned from Iran’s government film watchdog has threatened to ban films starring actresses who have removed their hijab in public.

“They can declare a ‘financial jihad’ against us, but it won’t work”

“Tarlan”, a well-known Iranian actress, spoke to the FRANCE 24 Observers about the new bill in parliament. Like many other Iranian actresses, she has appeared on social media without hijab since the protests began. We are concealing her identity to protect her, and this article does not contain any images from her accounts.

I first heard about this bill when many of my followers on social media sent me links to the news. My first reaction was anger and a little bit of fear. But after a few seconds I honestly didn’t care. I’m not sure they will dare to actually pass the bill. While it’s being debated in parliament it will make Iranians even angrier: it’s targeting artists and personalities that people love and care about. 

“Tarlan” does not believe her fellow artists will be deterred by the prospect of financial penalties. 





 

There are women who have lost their lives on the streets: young beautiful souls like Nika [Shakarami], Kian [Pirfalak] and Hadis [Najafi]. Money is nothing compared with what they have sacrificed. And I think of fellow artists who have already paid the ultimate price for an artist because they supported this revolution: the price of being banned from practising their art as actresses, superstars like Taraneh Alidousti.

These are not just nice words I am uttering here. I really believe it: the anger and sadness is deep inside me, and many of my colleagues I have spoken to feel the same. On the other hand, I am not naive. I am sure that this will scare many of my colleagues, especially the younger ones who are starting out, who are not yet so well-known, who need to be seen and present.

I’m afraid the regime will use this bill as a sword to hold over the heads of artists to force them to do what the state wants them to do. It might, for example, put pressure on them to appear in state-funded propaganda films and series, and to support the regime’s ideology on their social media accounts. The regime has in the past arrested actors for arbitrary reasons such as drugs or an extramarital affair and forced them to do what they ask.

 





But we are not stupid. Some of our friends and I are thinking of solutions if this bill really becomes a law. We’re talking to our lawyers. There are already solutions being proposed to us, like transferring our assets overseas or to someone we trust in Iran. If we have no more assets, they’d have to confiscate ten percent of nothing!  They can declare a ‘financial jihad’ against us, but it won’t work. Iranians, especially women, have chosen their path, and nothing can be done to stop us.

Since Mahsa Amini’s death on September 16, 2022, more than 500 people have been killed by the security forces.

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Thousands in Iraq, Iran, Lebanon protest Koran desecration in Sweden

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Thousands of people took to the streets in a handful of Muslim-majority countries Friday to express their outrage at the desecration of a copy of the Koran in Sweden, a day after protesters stormed the country’s embassy in Iraq.

The protests in Iraq, Lebanon and Iran that followed weekly prayers were controlled and peaceful, in contrast to scenes in Baghdad on Thursday, when demonstrators occupied the Swedish Embassy compound for several hours and set a small fire.

The embassy staff had been evacuated before the storming, and Swedish news agency TT reported that they were relocated to Stockholm for security reasons.

For Muslims, any desecration of the Koran, their holy text, is abhorrent. 

Under scorching heat Friday, thousands gathered in Baghdad’s Sadr City, a stronghold of influential Iraqi Shiite cleric and political leader Moqtada al-Sadr, some of whose followers took part in the attack on the Swedish Embassy. They brandished Korans, burned the Swedish flag and the LGBTQ rainbow flag and chanted, “Yes, yes to the Koran, no, no to Israel.”

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani had called on protesters and security forces to ensure that the demonstrations remained peaceful.

Read moreSwedish embassy in Iraq stormed

In the southern suburbs of Beirut, thousands more gathered at a protest called by the Iran-backed militia and political party Hezbollah, also brandishing copies of the holy book and chanting “with our blood, we protect the Koran.” Some burned Swedish flags.

Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in a video address Thursday night called on Muslims to demand their governments expel Sweden’s ambassadors. Iraq cut diplomatic ties with Sweden earlier that day.

“I invite brothers and sisters in all neighbourhoods and villages to attend all mosques, carrying their Korans and sit in them, calling on the state to take a stance toward Sweden,” Nasrallah said in the address, according to Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency.

In Iran, thousands marched in Tehran and other cities across the country, demonstrations that were aired on state television. In the capital, protesters gathered in the city center, shouting: “Death to the Americanised Sweden! Death to Israel! Death to enemies of the supreme leader!”

Student protesters pelted the Swedish Embassy building that was closed for the weekend, which in Iran is Friday and Saturday, with eggs and demanded the expulsion of the Swedish ambassador.

“The Koran talks to humans all the time, and its voice will never be stopped,” protester Fatemeh Jafari said. “They can never destroy the Koran! Even if they burn it, we will stand by it!”

The demonstrations come after Swedish police permitted a protest Thursday in which an Iraqi of Christian origin living in Stockholm – now a self-described atheist – threatened to burn a copy of the Koran. In the end, the man kicked and stood on the holy book outside of the Iraqi Embassy. He gave similar treatment to an Iraqi flag and to photos of Sadr and of Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

The right to hold public demonstrations is protected by the constitution in Sweden, and blasphemy laws were abandoned in the 1970s. Police generally give permission based on whether they believe a public gathering can be held without major disruptions or safety risks. 

The reaction in Iraq was particularly virulent, although no embassy staff were injured since none were present. After protesters left the embassy, diplomats closed it to visitors without specifying when it would reopen. 

The state-run Iraqi News Agency reported that some 20 people were arrested in connection with the storming of the embassy. Among those arrested were an Associated Press photographer and two Reuters staff who were covering the protests. The detained journalists were released hours later without charges, following an order from the prime minister’s office.

Sudani, the Iraqi prime minister, ordered the expulsion of the Swedish ambassador and the withdrawal of the Iraqi charge d’affaires from Sweden.

Leaders in several Muslim-majority countries condemned the desecration of the Koran and summoned diplomats from Sweden to express their outrage. Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian wrote a letter to the UN secretary-general in protest. On Friday, the minister told state television that he wouldn’t accept a new Swedish ambassador to replace the previous envoy, whose term has expired until Stockholm takes a “strong” stance against the man who desecrated the Koran.

Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif called on the 57-nation Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to play a “historic role in expressing the sentiments of Muslims and stopping this demonisation.” 

Meanwhile, the Swedish Foreign Ministry conveyed to the Iraqi charge d’affaires that the storming of the embassy was “completely unacceptable,” according to the TT agency.

Thursday’s Koran desecration was the second to involve the Iraqi man in Sweden, identified as Salwan Momika. Last month, a man identified by local media and on his social media as Momika burned a Koran outside a Stockholm mosque during the major Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha, triggering widespread condemnation in the Islamic world.

Read moreFrom militia leader to refugee: The backstory of the man who burned a Koran in Sweden

Koran burnings in the past have sparked protests across the Muslim world, some turning violent. In Afghanistan, the Taliban suspended all the activities of Swedish organisations in the country in response to the recent Koran burning.

A similar protest by a far-right activist was held outside Turkey’s Embassy in Stockholm earlier this year, complicating Sweden’s efforts to persuade Turkey to let it join NATO.

In June, protesters who support al-Sadr stormed the Swedish embassy in Baghdad over that Koran burning. 

Worshippers gathering for Friday prayers at the Stockholm mosque outside which last month’s Koran-burning took place expressed frustration that Swedish authorities allowed such actions. Imam Mahmoud Khalfi told the AP the situation made him feel “powerless.”

“You expect politicians and decisionmakers and police to show understanding … and try to find a solution. But it hasn’t happened, unfortunately,” he said.

He noted that other countries, such as neighbouring Finland, had found a way to combine freedom of speech with respect for religion. Unlike Sweden, Finland still has blasphemy laws.

“To let these extremists and criminals abuse the law and jeopardise peace in society and national security and Sweden’s reputation in the world, that is unsustainable,” he said. “We cannot understand why these lunatics are allowed to run wild.”

At the same time he added, “We are against all violent reactions and we have called on our members, to Muslims in Sweden, to react and act … in a peaceful way.”

(AP)

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Morality police patrols return to Iran’s streets after 10 months

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Nearly 10 months after Iran’s so-called “morality police” disappeared from the streets during mass protests over the death in custody of Mahsa Amini, the Iranian police announced July 16 that they had resumed patrols targeting “immoral clothing.” Amateur videos and first-hand reports from our Observers in Iran indicate that the patrols had resumed in the days before the announcement. But with many Iranian women having gotten used to going out with their heads uncovered in recent months, it remains unclear whether the patrols will be able to stop them. 

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Amini, 22, was arrested by members of Iran’s Guidance Patrol on September 13, 2022 for allegedly not wearing a headscarf, and died three days later. Her death sparked months of mass protests that resulted in more than 500 deaths, thousands of injuries, and tens of thousands of demonstrators arrested.

The protests, under the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom,” led many Iranian women to refuse to wear the Islamic hijab in public, defying Iran’s mandatory hijab laws. Guidance Patrol units stopped patrolling, and Iran’s regular police had to focus on breaking up the protests, not enforcing hijab rules.

Now the Iranian regime is cracking down.On July 16, Saeed Montazer Al-Mahdi, spokesman for the Iranian police, announced that the morality police would resume conducting morality patrols. “Following massive demand by several groups of people, and the urging of the president and the head of the judiciary to achieve a safer society and enforce family values, police patrols will, from today, alert persons wearing immoral clothing and, if they insist, report them to the courts.”

 


In this video posted on Twitter the man filming says the woman in black is an officer of Iran’s Gasht-e-Ershad morality police making an arrest in the Gisha neighbourhood of north Tehran on July 15, 2023.

 

Many Iranians on social media report seeing police conducting morality patrols on the streets in recent days. They have posted images showing women with their heads uncovered being stopped by women in black chadors accompanied by uniformed male police officers. Police vehicles are visible in the images, along with unmarked white vans. 

Most of the posts on social media report seeing the patrols merely order women to put on a headscarf, but there are also videos suggesting arrests are being made.

Montazer Al-Mahdi did not specifically mention the Guidance Patrol (known as Gasht-e-Ershad in Persian), and it was unclear whether the new patrols are being conducted by regular police or personnel from the religious police unit. Iran’s attorney general had announced in January that the Guidance Patrol was being disbanded, but it was denied by state media.

Iranian authorities have for months been using traffic-surveillance cameras to detect women drivers and passengers without hijabs, and using the vehicles’ licence plates to identify the women and summon them to court to pay fines.

 

“Young women aren’t afraid of arrest or fines”

Niusha [not her real name], an Iranian woman in Tehran who has refused to wear Islamic clothing in public places for more than a year, explains what is now happening on the streets of Iran:

“I go outside as I please, wearing a T-shirt and shorts. However, I have seen patrols of the morality police in several places in Tehran in the north and in the city centre, although I have not seen or heard of them arresting anyone yet.

I have seen their female officers in black chadors as usual. But now they are in white vans, whereas their vehicles used to be white and green [official colours of Iranian police vehicles].

On the other hand, I know many women who have been summoned to court. The Islamic Republic agents have reported them to the authorities for not wearing Islamic dress in public places and the women have been brought before a judge and are now waiting for their verdict.

 


The caption of this video posted on Twitter 17 July 2023 says it shows officers of Iran’s morality police checking women for hijab violations in the western city of Kermanshah.

And the number of threatening text messages to women drivers in cars has increased. Traffic cameras are used to check whether the women in the car are wearing an Islamic hijab or not, and if not, they send a text message and fine the car owner, sometimes impounding the car for a while.

And I don’t see Iranian women actually giving in to the pressure. The main force behind the protests – and most of the women you see without Islamic hijab – are young women and teenagers. I do not see any way the morality police are going to stop them. Young women aren’t afraid of arrest, fines, or parental pressure, or being deprived of their social rights. They’re not afraid of anything.

But middle-class families who have to go to work every day need their car, and some of them might fold. One of my friends, who has not once worn a headscarf in the last few months, put one in her car as a precaution.”

 


This video posted on Telegram shows Iranians in the city of Rasht protesting following the arrest of three women on 16 July 2023 for not wearing Islamic hijab on the street.

On July 17, media outlets close to the state claimed a judge in the Tehran province sentenced a woman to work in a morgue in Tehran for not wearing a headscarf in her car.

The Islamic Republic has once again set out to push back Iranian women with the help of police forces, but many political analysts call this latest act a shot in the Islamic Republic’s own knee.

This photo posted on Twitter on 15 July 2023 shows a suspected morality patrol by police in Tehran’s Valiasr Square. © @NR2OH

 

For the extremists, enforcing Islamic hijab is the last bastion before the regime’s collapse

Tara [not her real name] is a political analyst in Iran. She has been arrested several times for her criticism of the Islamic Republic. She is also one of the Iranian women refusing to comply with the Islamic dress code imposed by the mollahs in Tehran. She explains why, just two months before the anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s death and amid an unprecedented crumbling of legitimacy for the regime, the Islamic Republic is adding fuel to the fire after decades of economic, environmental, political, diplomatic and human rights crises.

“As far as I can tell, there is a struggle between different political factions in Iran. There are extremists, including Ahmad-Reza Radan, Iran’s newly appointed police chief, who want to reintroduce the morality police. They have the upper hand. But there are other blocs who, for whatever reason – maybe fear of more mass protests – disagree. Some hardline websites such as Tasnim News and Javan [two media outlets close to Iran’s powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the IRGC] have denied the morality police are being redeployed, saying the amateur images showing such patrols are ‘fake’. 

For the extremists, enforcing Islamic hijab on the streets is critical, the last bastion before the regime’s collapse. It’s a way of showing that the regime is still in control.  That is why the hardliners have recently organised rallies by their supporters to protest the regime’s lack of initiative to enforce Sharia law in public spaces.

We should not forget that we are approaching the anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s death. Maybe they think that with such a strong presence on the streets they can stop people from marking this day in the coming weeks. But I think that will backfire on them in the end.”



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