Explained: Why violence hit Madrid’s streets ahead of Catalan deal

As Spain’s Socialists have just signed a pact with the pro-independence Catalan party, we explain why the deal has sparked violent protests on the streets of Madrid.

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After six days of protests, tensions on the streets of Madrid appear to have eased as demonstrators sought to avoid clashes with police.

On Tuesday night, around 7,000 people gathered outside the Socialist Party headquarters when the demonstrations turned violent.

Radicals monopolised the front row, throwing bottles and even barriers at police who moved in to disperse the group.

The streets of several Spanish cities have been filled with people opposing negotiations between Spain’s acting government and Catalan separatist parties over a possible amnesty for thousands involved in Catalonia’s independence movement.

In central Madrid, people chanted “Sánchez, son of a b****” and “Puigdemont to jail”, referring to acting prime minister Pedro Sánchez and Catalan independence leader Carles Puigdemont, who is currently in self-imposed exile in Belgium.

A total of ten people were arrested, and health workers treated 39 people, 30 of them police officers.

“Today is historic,” said journalist Vito Quiles on his social networks.

“(The amnesty) is humiliating. They didn’t take into account the opinion of half the population,” two pensioners who took part in the demonstration told El País.

The agreement signed on Thursday between the Socialist Party and Puigdemont’s party moves the country away from a de-escalation of tensions, but why are Spaniards so angry with Sánchez?

‘The beginning of the end of democracy’

Madrid’s Calle Ferraz, where the Socialist Party headquarters are located, has been the scene of Spanish discontent for days.

Pedro Sánchez, acting prime minister and leader of the Socialists, was negotiating with Catalan separatist parties to secure their support in his bid to form a new government and keep his centre-left coalition in power after an inconclusive national election in July.

But the demands of the Catalan pro-independence parties have not gone down well with the public.

Among the promises that Pedro Sánchez made to these parties was the cancellation of 20% of Catalonia’s debt to the state, which amounts to €15 billion.

Following an outcry from the other regions, the Socialist Party assured them the agreement would be extended to the other regional debts.

However, the Junts per Catalunya party – led by Puigdemont – still holds the key to Sánchez’s government.

The seven seats they won in the last general election are essential for the Socialists to return to government.

What they are demanding in exchange for these coveted seats is what has most inflamed Spaniards: amnesty for political leaders implicated in Catalonia’s independence bid.

“The landscape is very worrying. On the one hand, the investiture negotiations are aberrant. On the other hand, dangerous steps have been taken in the recent protests,” Óscar Sánchez-Alonso, professor of politics at the Faculty of Communication of the Pontifical University of Salamanca, told Euronews.

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“Alongside those who are legitimately and peacefully expressing their dissatisfaction, there is also a growing concentration of groups willing to use violence, and in some sectors the idea has taken hold that if the law doesn’t apply to some, it is logical to break it in other directions,” he added.

The pro-independence parties have stated that “all those who were repressed, without exception” will benefit from the amnesty – a total of 1,432 people, according to calculations by the pro-independence organisation Òmnium Cultural.

It is a decision that has divided Spanish society, with 56.5% of the country against it, according to the latest poll by Simple Lógica, which specialises in public opinion research.

The judges also wanted to have their say. The main association of magistrates has issued a very strong statement against the approval of an amnesty.

“It is the beginning of the end of our democracy,” it said, adding that the amnesty law “is not allowed by the Constitution”.

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Who would benefit from the amnesty?

As demonstrations took place in Spanish cities, the Socialist Party has been negotiating ‘intensively’ with Puigdemont’s party to reach an agreement signed this Thursday.

Negotiators said the unrest in Madrid had not affected talks with the pro-independence parties.

Of the more than 1,400 people who would benefit from the future amnesty law, politicians top the list. The first major beneficiary is Puigdemont, who faces charges of disobedience and embezzlement.

The list of names includes politicians, mayors, civil servants and also citizens charged with public disorder or even terrorism.

Although the negotiations have not been made public, the main stumbling block preventing the two parties from reaching an agreement was Puigdemont’s demand that the amnesty not exclude some of his entourage.

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Spanish media suggest that some of these people are under investigation or have been convicted of crimes unrelated to the independence declaration.

For example, the former president of the Catalan parliament, Laura Borràs, who was convicted of splitting public contracts in favour of a friend; or Puigdemont’s lawyer, Gonzalo Boye, who is being investigated for allegedly laundering drug money.

However, the protests are not only taking place outside the Socialist Party headquarters, but also within its own walls.

Party heavyweights have openly spoken out against them, to the point of creating an internal war.

“In some cases, the debate has been resolved with the expulsion (of the member) from the Socialist Party; other voices, such as Felipe González, ex-president of the Socialist government, have been dismissed as past history with little to contribute,” points out Sánchez-Alonso.

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For Paloma Román, director of the School of Government at Madrid’s Complutense University, there are dissenting militants in every party, but the tension caused by the recent riots could help the Socialists to close ranks around the amnesty.

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Iran uses arrests and intimidation to stop families commemorating protesters’ deaths

Since September 16, Iranian authorities have been using arrests, death threats and direct attacks to prevent families from celebrating the anniversaries of the deaths of their loved ones killed during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests. The aim: to prevent these commemorations from giving rise to new anti-regime demonstrations throughout the country.

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The Iranian authorities had been scrutinising the date of September 16 for months. It was on that day in 2022 that 22-year-old Mahsa Amini died after being arrested by the Islamic Republic’s morality police. Her death launched a movement of protests that deeply shook Iranian society.

While the country remained relatively calm on the anniversary of Amini’s death, each day since then has marked the anniversary of the death of a protester killed by Iranian security forces during the first demonstrations. Families of those who lost their lives report house arrests, threats and summonses in what appears to be an attempt by the regime to silence all those who want to commemorate the death of a loved one.


Security Forces Vehicles Arrive In Rahmatabad, The Village Of Javad Heidary’s Family, On September 21.

The Heidary family wanted to commemorate the death of Javad Heidary, a 40-year-old protester in Qazvin, a town 150 km east of Tehran. He was killed by Iranian security forces on September 22 last year. On Thursday September 21, the day before the anniversary of his death, a convoy of security force vehicles descended on his family’s village. The security forces cut off roads leading to the village, and to the cemetery where Heidary is buried. The village’s internet connection was also cut. The security forces went so far as to attack the Heidary family home with tear gas and live ammunition.


Videos taken inside the house show family members, including children, hit by tear gas.


Une membre de la famille de Javad Heidary blessée après l’intervention des forces de securité.

In a voice message posted on X (formerly Twitter), a family member said that several of Heidary’s relatives, including his mother, were taken to hospital when authorities allowed ambulances to enter the village after a blockade that lasted several hours. The same source said that two of Heidary’s brothers and his father were arrested.


“Your other child will end up in the grave next to the one who died”

The attack on the Heidary home is the regime’s highest-profile reaction since the start of the planned commemorations for those who were killed last September. But in recent days, many families who had announced on social media that they were going to organise ceremonies in memory of their family members who were killed have cancelled the commemorations.

In a live chat on X that FRANCE 24 was able to listen to, several members of different protesters’ families recounted the pressure and threats they have faced. 

One explained: 

“The security forces call or summon family members, including distant cousins, to threaten us and put pressure on us.” 

Another added:

“We are told that if something bad happens to one of our relatives, it will be our fault. Or they’ll say: ‘Your other child will end up in the grave next to the one who died. Your child will be buried next to his father or mother if you go to the cemetery in the coming days’.”

Another participant in the live chat said that security forces had stopped children as young as seven years old in the street and threatened them to get the message across to their families. 

Another said: 

“The families themselves are not afraid of death, but the security forces threaten to kill distant family members or people attending the memorial ceremonies. The families can’t take the risk and are cancelling the ceremonies.”

Families of high-profile ‘martyrs’ targeted 

Among the families under threat is that of Nika Shakarami, one of the best-known “martyrs” of the protests, who was killed at the age of 17. Her relatives say they cancelled a planned commemoration ceremony after officials warned her mother she would be arrested if she went to her daughter’s grave site. Shakarami’s aunt, with whom she lived, suffered a stroke as a result of this intense pressure, the family said.

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The family of Hadis Najafi, another protester whose name became famous after she was killed by a police shotgun blast, also reports receiving threats. Several members of her family were arrested on September 15, then released. Najafi, 22, had posted a video on social media in which she declared, “I take part in these demonstrations so that, after a few years, when I look back, I’ll be happy and see that everything has changed”.


The family of 22-year-old Hananeh Kia, who was killed on September 21 last year in a protest in Noshahr in northern Iran, has also suffered apparent intimidation. Her father, mother and 15-year-old sister Helia were arrested on August 27 and released three weeks later.

At least 537 demonstrators were killed during 2022’s anti-regime protests. The security forces also injured thousands of demonstrators and arrested at least 90,000 people, according to official figures.



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Protesters in Georgia drive away Russian cruise ship, allege violent police response

After two days of demonstrations, protesters in Georgia forced out the Russian cruise ship Astoria Grande, which had been docked at a Black Sea port in the southwest of the country. Police responded by using force on protesters, who cited their disapproval of the cruise ship’s passengers’ views on Russian policies in Ukraine and Georgia. According to our Observer, the clashes highlight a disparity between the Georgian government and the population’s stance on Russia.

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The Russian cruise ship Astoria Grande stopped at Georgia’s Batumi port on the Black Sea for the first time on July 26. Hundreds of Georgians met it with anti-Russian signs, determined to stop the 800 tourists aboard from disembarking.

Protesters were even more incensed to learn that Russian television personalities who spoke in support of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine were among the tourists on board. 

When they were interviewed by Georgian media on their arrival, some passengers declared that the 2008 Russian war against Georgia “liberated” Abkhazia, an autonomous republic and state recognised by only seven countries in the world, that is a breakaway region bordering Russia considered occupied territory by Georgian law. These statements, as well as deliberate provocations, rallied more people against the cruise ship.

The ship left port early on July 27, but returned on July 31 only to be met once again by demonstrators. The protesters threw eggs and plastic bottles at the minibuses taking Russian tourists on the ship. 

The cruise operator told Russian media RBC that Batumi was no longer a destination for the Astoria Grande. 


Video taken by Tazo Makharadze during the protest in Batumi on August 31.

‘We won this battle. But the struggle continues’

Tazo Makharadze is the cofounder of the association Dafion, a pro-European youth movement. He launched the call for protest against the cruise ship on both days. 

The gathering of people in Batumi started when the Russian cruise arrived in Batumi and the “guests” on the cruise insulted our territorial integrity and said that Abkhazia and Samachablo were not Georgian. 

Soon after, I posted an appeal calling on people to come out and protest this disparity. Other organisations were involved besides us. And most importantly, completely nonpartisan people took part in this protest, and this means that these sentiments are present in the people. 

The protests were mostly self-organised, because this is the mood of the people right now and they don’t want Russia. More than 20 percent of our country is occupied by Russia. Despite this, our government pursues a pro-Russian policy. That’s why Georgian youths often have to stand on the street and protest these disparities. 

We won this battle and drove out the occupiers ahead of time. But the struggle continues.


Hundreds of people gathered in the port of Batumi on August 31. The police intervened to allow the passage of minibuses transporting Russian tourists to the ship.

Irakli Kobakhidze, chairman of “Georgian Dream”, the majority party in the Georgian parliament, publicly condemned the protests on August 1. 

“Hypocrisy and the double standard of pseudo-anti-Russians clearly indicate that all political provocations, including the rally held yesterday in Batumi, are dictated only by anti-state political goals and external influence,” Kobakhidze said. 

He added that cruise ships provide tourist revenues to the country.

‘The participants of the rally did not comply with their legal demands’

The police intervened to provide safe passage to tourists and used violence against protesters, according to eyewitnesses. At least 23 people were detained on July 31. Among them are well-known activists and a local leader of the opposition party Droa. 

The Georgian ministry of interior released a statement about the protests in Batumi on July 31:  

“Despite numerous calls by law enforcement officers at the port of Batumi, the participants of the rally did not comply with their legal demands […]. We call on the participants of the rally not to go beyond the limits of the freedom of assembly and expression allowed by law.”

The police did not make any further official declarations following the departing of the cruise ship. Our team tried to contact the Georgian police and the regional police section in Batumi for a comment, but did not receive a response. 

‘There was no reason for violence. People were arrested because of fear’

Tazo Makharadze told us that the police violence was exaggerated. 

The police intervened when we did not allow the Russian tourists to get off the cruise. They physically assaulted the protesters. There was a case when a fallen person was kicked in the leg. There was no reason for violence.


The police attempted to move protestors out of the way to let minibuses with Russian tourists pass

Multiple legal associations declared that pre-trial detention was used in an abusive way. Some detainees stated that the police were physically violent even after they were arrested. One Ukrainian protester that was arrested had to be transferred to the hospital because of her injuries. 

‘Police violated protesters’ rights to freedom of expression’

While arrested protesters have the right to see their lawyer right away, information about the identity of the detained as well as on the location of their detention was released only in the late evening of July 31, according to a press statement by the Association of Young Lawyers of Georgia (GYLA).  

The FRANCE 24 Observers team spoke to a representative from Union Sapari, one of the volunteer legal associations that is striving to prove that protesters were illegally detained

The police arrested the protesters under traditional articles, which they always use in similar cases: petty hooliganism and disobedience to the request of the policeman. 

Police violated protesters’ rights to freedom of expression. The three people we are representing have been detained already for 48 hours and several of them are injured. We are collecting the video archives of the detention and disputing the detention in the court as illegal.


A video posted on Twitter on August 1 shows the Georgian police violently arresting a Ukrainian demonstrator. While in detention she had to be transferred to the hospital.

Several police officers are under investigation for engaging in abusive behaviour, as stated by the Georgian Special Investigative Service on August 1. 

As of August 3, 15 protesters have been released on bail. At least eight protesters remain in detention, where they have been held for longer than 48 hours – the maximum term of pre-trial detention under Georgian law. 



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More than 900 arrested overnight as rioters clash with French police

Young rioters clashed with police and looted stores overnight Friday in a fourth night of unrest in France triggered by the deadly police shooting of a teen, piling more pressure on President Emmanuel Macron after he appealed to parents to keep children off the streets.

While the situation appeared to be somewhat calmer compared to previous nights, turmoil gripped several cities across the country.

Firefighters in the Parisian suburb of Nanterre, where the shooting occurred Tuesday, extinguished the blazes set by protesters that left scorched remains of cars strewn across the streets. In the neighbouring suburb Colombes, protesters overturned garbage bins and used them for makeshift barricades.

Looters during the evening broke into a gun shop and made off with weapons, and a man was later arrested with a hunting rifle, police said, and in the southern Mediterranean port city of Marseille, officers arrested nearly 90 people as groups of protesters lit cars on fire and broke store windows to take what was inside.

Buildings and businesses were also vandalised in the eastern city of Lyon, where a third of the roughly 30 arrests made were for theft, police said. Authorities reported fires in the streets after an unauthorised protest drew more than 1,000 people earlier in the evening.

By about 3 am, Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin told cable news channel BFMTV that 471 arrests were made at night.

The fatal shooting of the 17-year-old, who has only been identified by his first name, Nahel, was captured on video, stirring up long-simmering tensions between police and young people in housing projects and disadvantaged neighbourhoods.

Nahel’s burial is scheduled for Saturday, according to Nanterre Mayor Patrick Jarry, who said France needs to “push for changes” in disadvantaged neighbourhoods.

Despite repeated government appeals for calm and stiffer policing, Friday saw brazen daylight violence, too. An Apple store was looted in the eastern city of Strasbourg, where police fired tear gas, and the windows of a fast-food outlet were smashed in a Paris-area shopping mall, where officers repelled people trying to break into a shuttered store, authorities said.

Violence was also erupting in some of France’s territories overseas.

Some 150 police officers were deployed Friday night on the small Indian Ocean island of Reunion, authorities said, after protesters set garbage bins ablaze, threw projectiles at police and damaged cars and buildings. In French Guiana, a 54-year-old was killed by a stray bullet Thursday night when rioters fired at police in the capital, Cayenne, authorities said.

In the face of the escalating crisis that hundreds of arrests and massive police deployments have failed to quell, Macron held off on declaring a state of emergency. This option was used in similar circumstances in 2005.

Instead, his government ratcheted up its law enforcement response. Already massively beefed-up police forces were boosted by another 5,000 officers for Friday night, increasing the number to 45,000 overall, the interior minister said. 

Some were called back from vacation. The minister, Darmanin, said police made 917 arrests on Thursday alone and noted their young age – 17 on average. He said more than 300 police officers and firefighters have been injured.

It was unclear how many protesters have been injured in the clashes.

Darmanin on Friday ordered a nationwide nighttime shutdown of all public buses and trams, which have been among rioters’ targets. He also said he warned social networks not to allow themselves to be used as channels for calls to violence.

“They were very cooperative,” Darmanin said, adding that French authorities were providing the platforms with information in hopes of cooperation in identifying people inciting violence.

“We will pursue every person who uses these social networks to commit violent acts,” he said.

Macron, too, zeroed in on social media platforms that have relayed dramatic images of vandalism and cars and buildings being torched, saying they were playing a “considerable role” in the violence. Singling out Snapchat and TikTok, he said they were being used to organise unrest and served as conduits for copycat violence.

Macron said his government would work with technology companies to establish procedures for “the removal of the most sensitive content,” adding that he expected “a spirit of responsibility” from them.

Snapchat spokesperson Rachel Racusen said the company has increased its moderation since Tuesday to detect and act on content related to the rioting.

The violence comes just over a year before Paris and other French cities are due to host 10,500 Olympians and millions of visitors for the summer Olympic Games. Organisers said they are closely monitoring the situation as preparations for the Olympics continue.

The police officer accused of killing Nahel was handed a preliminary charge of voluntary homicide, which means investigating magistrates strongly suspect wrongdoing but need to investigate more before sending a case to trial. Nanterre prosecutor Pascal Prache said his initial investigation led him to conclude that the officer’s use of his weapon wasn’t legally justified.

Prache said officers tried to pull Nahel over because he looked so young and was driving a Mercedes with Polish license plates in a bus lane. He allegedly ran a red light to avoid being stopped and then got stuck in traffic.

The officer said he feared he and his colleague or someone else could be hit by the car as Nahel attempted to flee, according to the prosecutor.

Nahel’s mother, identified as Mounia M, told France 5 television that she was angry at the officer but not at the police in general. “He saw a little Arab-looking kid, he wanted to take his life,” she said, adding that justice should be “very firm”.

“A police officer cannot take his gun and fire at our children, take our children’s lives,” she said.

Deadly use of firearms is less common in France than in the United States, although 13 people who didn’t comply with traffic stops were fatally shot by French police last year. This year, another three people, including Nahel, died under similar circumstances. 

The deaths have prompted demands for more accountability in France, which also saw racial justice protests after George Floyd’s killing by police in Minnesota.

Race was a taboo topic for decades in France, which is officially committed to a doctrine of colourblind universalism. In the wake of Nahel’s killing, French anti-racism activists renewed complaints about police behaviour in general.

This week’s protests echoed the three weeks of rioting in 2005 that followed the deaths of 15-year-old Bouna Traoré and 17-year-old Zyed Benna, who were electrocuted while hiding from police in a power substation in Clichy-sous-Bois.

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Who are the armed men in civilian clothes seen with police in Senegal protests?

During a press conference on June 4, Senegalese police showed the press a series of video clips that they claimed documented the presence of armed protesters at recent demonstrations. However, the full videos, which have been widely circulating on social media, show the same armed individuals alongside the police. So who are these armed men? And whose side are they on?

“On this recording, you can see a man armed with a military weapon. He knows what he is doing, he knows how to use his weapon. You can see that he isn’t there to protest.” These were the words of the Senegalese head of police Mohamadou Gueye to the press as he showed them videos filmed during recent protests at a press conference held on June 4. The footage shows a man wearing a red jersey with a white “9” on it, firing at a target off-screen. Another man, also in civilian clothes, throws a projectile in the same direction.

The Senegalese police are claiming that this footage shows violent, armed people among the protesters. Police Chief Mohamadou Gueye said the man in red was “with a weapon, facing security forces”. © Observers

This is proof, according to Senegalese police, that these protests in support of opposition figure Ousmane Sonko were infiltrated by people “accustomed” to using military-grade weapons.

Deadly protests broke out at the end of last week after Sonko, the leader of the PASTEF party, was sentenced on June 1 to two years in prison for “corrupting youth”. Sonko has already announced his bid for president in 2024, which he obviously couldn’t do if he is in prison. Protests in support of him quickly turned deadly, killing 16 and injuring 350, according to the Red Cross. 

Senegalese police blamed the clashes on “violent protesters who aren’t trying to express their opinion but are engaged in subversive activities”, in the words of the head of Public Safety Ibrahima Diop during the press conference on June 4. 

During the same conference, the police showed excerpts from three videos showing what they said were armed men amongst the protesters. Police Chief Gueye that these men came to “cause damage”. 

“They will shoot at civilians and then blame the security forces,” Gueye alleged. 

However, two of the clips shown by police at the press conference show something else. In the longer versions of the videos, which were widely circulated on social media, you can see these men in civilian gear, bearing arms, interacting with and seemingly working alongside armed police. 

 A man ‘face to face with security forces’ spotted in the back of a police pick-up 

Let’s start by looking at the example of the man wearing a red jacket marked with the number nine. The video shown by Senegalese police (at 7:53) stops after showing the individual firing his weapon and then running into a small street. However, a longer version does exist. In this version, taken from a series of stories published by a user of the Snapchat app, you can see the man in the red jersey in a white pickup, being driven by a man in a striped tee-shirt. He is riding alongside four other men wearing riot gear labelled “police”. 

In this full version of the video, first published in a Snapchat story, you can see the scene where the man wearing a red shirt with a number 9 on it shoots off screen— what police showed in their press conference. However, this longer version contains more crucial footage. At the end of the video, you can see the same man getting into a pickup truck full of police.
In this full version of the video, first published in a Snapchat story, you can see the scene where the man wearing a red shirt with a number 9 on it shoots off screen— what police showed in their press conference. However, this longer version contains more crucial footage. At the end of the video, you can see the same man getting into a pickup truck full of police. © Observers

Another video, widely shared on social media, also shows this man in red, followed by the white pick-up, just a few metres behind him. The four officers aren’t trying to arrest him and don’t react when he fires his weapon.

This other video, published the evening of June 3, places the incident at the roundabout near the Grand Yoff city hill, an area in the north of Dakar. You can see the same man with the number 9 jersey. He is being followed by a pick-up truck, with four police officers in the back. The driver, wearing a striped shirt, is also visible.
This other video, published the evening of June 3, places the incident at the roundabout near the Grand Yoff city hill, an area in the north of Dakar. You can see the same man with the number 9 jersey. He is being followed by a pick-up truck, with four police officers in the back. The driver, wearing a striped shirt, is also visible. © Observers

However, during the press conference, Police Commissioner Mohamadou Gueye insisted that the man in the red jersey was “facing off with the security forces”. The footage of the same man alongside police had been removed in the edited version shown to journalists. 

Another armed individual alongside security forces 

The same goes for the second video, which Gueye claimed shows “a person carrying an automatic pistol” (at 7:14). The man, wearing civilian clothes including a distinctive white bandana, has his back against a wall. Next to him is another man, also wearing civilian clothes but carrying a riot helmet.

The commissioner said:

If you look closely, you’ll see that he isn’t used to carrying this weapon. You can tell by the way he is shooting it. That could result in an accident that could hurt both himself or others. It’s really dangerous to protesters.

Senegalese police say that this image shows an armed individual with an automatic pistol who “doesn’t know how to manage his weapon”.
Senegalese police say that this image shows an armed individual with an automatic pistol who “doesn’t know how to manage his weapon”. © Observers

However, this video clip is just an excerpt.  The full version of the video, published on June 3, includes a wide shot that lasts about two seconds. That crucial shot shows the armed man standing just a few metres away from two men in police uniforms.

The post sharing this footage, published on June 3, states that the incident took place in Bargny, a neighborhood in southeastern Dakar. You can see the man in the white bandana, who appeared in the video shown by police during the press conference (in yellow.) But that video was just an excerpt and was missing a crucial part. In the longer, original video, the first few seconds show the man standing next to two men in uniforms (in blue) who aren’t doing anything to stop him.
The post sharing this footage, published on June 3, states that the incident took place in Bargny, a neighborhood in southeastern Dakar. You can see the man in the white bandana, who appeared in the video shown by police during the press conference (in yellow.) But that video was just an excerpt and was missing a crucial part. In the longer, original video, the first few seconds show the man standing next to two men in uniforms (in blue) who aren’t doing anything to stop him. © Observers

These officers aren’t making the slightest move to stop the armed man, even though his weapon is visible. The fact that the two officers are looking in the same direction as the armed civilians and the positions they are maintaining would indicate that they are surveilling the right part of the street and acting in a coordinated fashion. The riot helmet visible in the images – which has both a visor and an element to protect someone’s neck – is very similar to those used by police. 

If you compare it to recent photos of Senegalese police uniforms, you can see that the helmet worn by a man in civilian clothes— a blue tee-shirt— looks a lot like the helmets worn by security forces. It has the same viser with a metallic clip, the same neck protection and the same way of attaching on the side.
If you compare it to recent photos of Senegalese police uniforms, you can see that the helmet worn by a man in civilian clothes— a blue tee-shirt— looks a lot like the helmets worn by security forces. It has the same viser with a metallic clip, the same neck protection and the same way of attaching on the side. © AFP

The spokesperson for the Senegalese ministry of the interior supports the police version of events 

The FRANCE 24 Observers team contacted the spokesperson for the Senegalese Minister of the Interior Maham Ka. We provided Ka with our findings, but he still supported the version of events presented by police during the June 4 press conference. 

“What’s important for us is that what the police say is truthful,” he said: 

If the police say that they were confronted with armed people on the ground who did not come to protest and that they published video to support their statements, then, for us, this is the truth.

So how does Ka explain the presence of individuals in plain clothes alongside the police in two of these videos? Ka says that the people wearing anti-riot helmets and police vests may not be part of the security forces.  

Seeing people in police uniform in these videos is not proof that they are members of the police. In fact, it is something we’ve seen in the past in Senegal. I don’t want to go into detail, because investigations are underway. But if the police showed this footage to the press, then what’s certain is that these people are not police

In the full version of the second video showing the man in the red jersey, you can see someone in a police uniform opening fire with what looks like a riot gun. Our team contacted a Twitter account specialised in arms called “Calibre Obscura”. They explained that the shape of the weapon and the way it was shooting make them believe it is a Cougar launcher, designed by the French firm Alsetex for use by security forces in crowd control situations.

In these two screengrabs, taken from two videos where you can see the man in the red jersey, you can also see security forces using what looks like a less-lethal grenade launcher. An arms expert identified the weapon being used as a Cougar grenade launcher manufactured by the French company Alsetex.
In these two screengrabs, taken from two videos where you can see the man in the red jersey, you can also see security forces using what looks like a less-lethal grenade launcher. An arms expert identified the weapon being used as a Cougar grenade launcher manufactured by the French company Alsetex. © maintiendelordre.fr

Who are the men who appear alongside the security forces?

There are a number of publications on social media that accuse these armed men in civilian gear of being “nervis”, a term for young men hired by political parties to shut down protests by force. There have been documented cases of these men – usually wearing civilian gear and moving around in a pickup – in Senegal in the past during different moments of social tension, especially back in 2021.

Dozens of videos showing convoys of white four-door pickups, carrying men in civilian clothes, sometimes armed with batons, have been circulating on TikTok and Facebook (examples here, here and here): the models shown in these images resemble the pickup that appears in the videos of the man wearing the red number 9 jersey. 

Numerous videos of convoys of white pickups published by Senegalese social media accounts, like these images from June 4, show vehicles that look like those visible in the videos of the man in the red number 9 jersey.
Numerous videos of convoys of white pickups published by Senegalese social media accounts, like these images from June 4, show vehicles that look like those visible in the videos of the man in the red number 9 jersey. © Observers

We spoke to a young man, who wanted to remain anonymous, who said that he saw, on June 3, a convoy of this type in his neighbourhood, Parcelles Assainies: 

There were eight pickups: seven white ones and one dark one. Inside, there were men in uniform that looked like a police intervention brigade.

There were people in the back of the white pickups. Some had sticks on the truck bed. Most of the people looked young.  

This young man, who says that he is “politically, more pro-government” is convinced that he encountered “nervis”. 

But where do these white pickups come from? Several Facebook posts say that a large number of vehicles of this type were visible in front of the headquarters of the political party that President Macky Sall belongs to – l’Alliance pour la République (Alliance for the Republic, or APR). The information was also confirmed by RFI in Dakar

Pape Mahawa Diouf, an official from the ruling coalition, said that the presence of these vehicles was not strange. 

There are all kinds of vehicles in front of the headquarters, especially those belonging to party supporters, who gathered there during the protests. We hold conferences there, people gather there.

I don’t think that the supporters participated in the protests. I don’t know about any of this.

It’s hard for the time being to establish clear links between the security forces and these young “nervis”. However, while violence from the protesters did indeed occur during protests, the videos shown as “proof” during the press conference on Sunday, June 4 seem to actually show the presence of armed men in civilian clothes alongside police. 

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The Evolution of Film Festivals – Back at the 76th Cannes Film Festival | FirstShowing.net

The Evolution of Film Festivals – Back at the 76th Cannes Film Festival

by Alex Billington
May 16, 2023

Tonight in the lovely beach resort town of Cannes, France, the 76th Cannes Film Festival is kicking off with the world premiere screening of Maïwenn’s Jeanne du Barry after the opening ceremony. This is my 13th year attending and covering Cannes, starting back in 2009, and I am always happy to return. I skipped the opening film because it’s just not my jam, but I am excited to watch plenty more films over the next 11 days in France. I come to Cannes year after year, spending more than I have in my bank account to be here, because I am here for the films. For the love of cinema. For the spirit of discovery and for all the hours of watching and discussing new films with my friends and colleagues. This is why I always come back. Yes, it can be annoying and frustrating to deal with. Yes, it the festival has problems like EVERY festival does. But I come anyway and make the most of it. It makes me happy that we’re ALL here together to celebrate cinema.

The Cannes I attended in 2009 is not the same Cannes in 2023. The festival has been evolving and growing and changing, in good and bad ways. The pandemic caused a major disruption which lead to major changes which each & every festival is still dealing with. The biggest problem is the digital ticketing system – which every festival adopted in 2021 after the pandemic forced them to get rid of physical box offices and tickets, and shift entirely to tickets we scan from our phones. It doesn’t always work well: the site had errors the first few days, then they fixed the problems. Many colleagues have been having difficulty booking tickets for most screenings, but that’s unfortunately what happens when a festival outgrows itself. Thanks to Parasite winning all the Oscars after premiering in Cannes in 2019, they’re the indisputable #1 festival in the world – which means more people (press + industry + cinephiles) come to this festival than any other. Their venues haven’t changed, and they can only seat so many in each cinema. There’s no easy solution to this dilemma…

The prominent question at this festival is: what is cinema? Is this what cinema looks like, or is that? Or is it all of this? Perhaps the more pertinent question is: what can cinema be? Has it evolved again, and if so, can we appreciate what is has become now? Cannes prides itself on programming and premiering the best new films from anywhere they come from – innovative, edgy, fresh, groundbreaking work from old and new filmmakers alike. That means that there can be thrilling, rollicking adventures from Hollywood like Indiana Jones and the Dial of Destiny screening alongside of contemplative, slow burn three hour dramas from the other side of the world. Some people appreciate new cinema that is slow, while others prefer films that are more energetic and lively. Some prefer films that are abstract and artsy, while others are more engaged with traditional narratives that have great performances and vibrant storytelling. All of this is cinema, and all of it can be exciting, and now we get a peek at where cinema will be headed next. Which filmmaker will make their mark, which films will emerge from France and find their audience everywhere else around the world?

Documentaries have been winning the top prizes at major festivals recently (All the Beauty & the Bloodshed at Venice last fall, and Sur l’Adamant at Berlinale a few months ago) and this has been shaking up the film festival world. Of course, everyone knows documentaries absolutely are cinema but it is not often they win the top prize. For years, Cannes was known as a place where they never showed docs in their main selection – especially in the competition. Nowadays, a few are playing. In the festival this year they have Wang Bing’s Youth (Spring) playing in the main competition, plus The Mother of All Lies in the Un Certain Regard category. There’s also an intriguing new film called Four Daughters that apparently blends narrative with documentary by casting two actors to play the two daughters who have disappeared from a Tunisian family. Cannes describes this one as “a unique cinema experience that will lift the veil on Olfa and her daughters’ life stories.” Will it be any good? Only time will tell… But this is what we are all here for – to dedicate our time to watching what they’ve decided to show us and find out what will change cinema forever. At least I hope this will get more people to start watching more documentaries, no matter what they might be about.

The other question on everyone’s mind this year – what about all of the protests? In addition to the Writers Strike in Hollywood (which I fully support), there are also ongoing protests in France – which began earlier this year when the government attempted to increase the retirement age. At the 1968 Cannes Film Festival, directors Jean-Luc Godard and François Truffaut lead a protest at the start of the festival. They showed up with an impassioned argument that because students and many other people in France were out protesting, it wouldn’t be right to ignore that and let the festival go on as normal. They were successful. The festival was cancelled that year (the Criterion Channel is featuring a selection of the films that were chosen that year but never got their chance to play) – along with 2020, it’s one of the only times in the festival’s 76 year history it has been cancelled. There’s now a number of major protests and progressive movements all over the world, and with the spotlight on Cannes for the next two weeks, they might want to borrow some of that attention as well. I’m all for it! But clearly the festival isn’t – and doesn’t want any disruptions to their event in 2023.

The spirit of Cannes is to be edgy and disruptive and progressive. I wish they’d embrace that more, but now it just seems they want to show to go on with all the celebrities and red carpets and premieres. They don’t want anything to get in the way of that glitz & glam, which is what matters the most to them. I’d prefer if festivals would focus primarily on the films and filmmakers instead… I rarely go to parties much anymore anyway, and I don’t have time for casual dinners – I just go to films all day, then come back and write. I just want to enjoy all these films and talk about how amazing the discoveries are. The best moments in Cannes are those when you watch something amazing, and emerge from the cinema to ecstatic people that want to chat about how amazing it was for hours & hours. I fondly remember emerging from screenings of films like Drive, Parasite, You Were Never Really Here, Portrait of a Lady on Fire, The Lighthouse, The Florida Project, Jodorowsky’s Dune, Inside Llewyn Davis, Burning, and many others. I’m ready to queue up and watch and see what Cannes has in store for us this year. Follow all my updates on FS here.

Find more posts: Cannes 23, Editorial, Indies

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A police station or a high school? Deadly clashes in Senegal as locals and gendarmes dispute land use

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Violent clashes between the gendarmerie and the Lebu community erupted on May 8 and 9 in Ngor, a district of Senegal’s capital Dakar. The conflict began over a land dispute: the gendarmes want a police station while locals want to build a high school. According to four eyewitnesses who spoke to the FRANCE 24 Observers team, the gendarmes fired live bullets during protests. A 15-year-old girl lost her life, in circumstances that remain under investigation.

Images shared on social networks show violent clashes on May 8 and 9 in Ngor. The conflict broke out between the Lebu people, who have lived in the area for centuries, and the gendarmes, local police.

It began on the main street in Ngor, where residents had gathered to protest the evening of May 8.

Photo taken in the evening of May 8, 2023 on the main road of Ngor, Dakar, where clashes between the population and the gendarmes took place. Photo provided to the FRANCE 24 Observers team

‘We had to evacuate the injured by canoe’

The next day, clashes continued on the same street as well as a nearby beach. The FRANCE 24 Observers team spoke with several protesters who requested to stay anonymous for their security. They said the police used live ammunition against protesters.

Malick (not his real name) told us more:

When we arrived on the beach, reinforcements came. The gendarmes wanted to surround us. Some of the protesters got stuck and started to retreat into the water to avoid being caught. Some of us were able to swim, I was able to take refuge on a boat. The gendarmes first fired tear gas, then live ammunition.

Several videos taken on the beach show tear gas grenades exploding. In one video, at least five shots can be heard, though a ballistics expert we spoke to said it is impossible to determine from this video whether they were live rounds.

Video shared on social networks showing the clashes that took place on May 9, 2023 on the beach of Ngor, Senegal.
Video shared on social networks showing the clashes that took place on May 9, 2023 on the beach of Ngor, Senegal. © Observers

Death of a 15-year-old girl

A 15-year-old girl was killed during the clashes. A statement issued on Wednesday, May 10, 2023 by the Senegalese ministry of the interior said that the girl had been “fatally hit while in the water, probably by the propeller of a canoe”.

The ministry has not yet responded to our request for comment.

However, several of our Observers who witnessed the scene say the girl was in fact hit by a police bullet while she was taking refuge in the water. 

During the confrontation, several protesters were seriously injured and had to be evacuated, explains Habib (not his real name), another protester:

The emergency services could not enter the village because the gendarmerie had blocked the way. We had to evacuate the injured by canoe to the surrounding communes, such as Yoff, thanks to the help of the Red Cross.

Video showing the evacuation of the injured on Ngor beach, on Tuesday May 9, 2023.
Video showing the evacuation of the injured on Ngor beach, on Tuesday May 9, 2023. © Observers

Several videos taken by residents, such as this one taken near the beach, also show officers violently beating residents.

Vidéo partagée sur les réseaux sociaux, montrant une personne à terre violemment frappée par des gendarmes, à proximité de la plage de Ngor, mardi 9 mai 2023.
Vidéo partagée sur les réseaux sociaux, montrant une personne à terre violemment frappée par des gendarmes, à proximité de la plage de Ngor, mardi 9 mai 2023. © https://goo.gl/maps/F5L3uJ3pa4QfghZt7

Residents also claim that gendarmes entered houses and discharged tear gas grenades.

‘We need to change the way we think about policing’

Thirty people were reportedly wounded in the clashes. Images provided to the FRANCE 24 Observers team by protesters attest to significant injuries.

In a statement issued on May 11, 2023, Amnesty International denounced “the excessive use of force by the gendarmerie in Ngor” and called “on the authorities to investigate the use of lethal weapons by the police“.

Locals, such as Mamadou Ndiaye, president of the citizen movement Ngor Debout, denounced the repression carried out by the police:

The gendarmes have beaten up protesters, shot at people, entered homes. This is not law and order. We don’t deserve that in a country like Senegal. We need to change the way we think about policing, to stop using grenades and live ammunition. We need more diplomacy when people demand things.

‘Ngor is the only district in Dakar that does not have a high school’

At the root of these tensions is a 6,000 m2 plot of land located in the heart of the village. Since the beginning of March, the gendarmerie has voiced its desire to set up a police station there, while the community wants to build a high school.

On Monday, May 8 the day before the clashes, the state said it would give 4,000 m2 to the gendarmes and 2,000 m2 to the municipality for a high school. Many residents, including our observer Habib, felt this decision was unfair:

Ngor really needs a high school: it’s the only district in Dakar that doesn’t have a high school and a CEM [Editor’s note: for Collège d’enseignement moyen, the equivalent of a secondary school]. Young people have to leave Ngor to study. Most people don’t have a car: they have to take transport. And they also have to eat at lunchtime. All this is expensive. Many stop going to school at 13 or 14 years old because of this. Education should be a priority. 

‘The indigenous population gradually had to give up their land’

Oumar (not his real name), a resident of Ngor, says that the indigenous Lebu population has gradually had to cede its land to the state:

The indigenous population of Ngor originally lived from agriculture, but gradually had to give up their land. For example, the posh district of Almadies was built on agricultural land. Now ministers, deputies and colonels live there. 

Now there are no more fields. The local people have fallen back on fishing, but even fishing doesn’t work like it used to because of the pollution. Poverty is increasing. And there is no more space, people are forced to build new floors to be able to have housing.

The land at the heart of the dispute is all the more important in the eyes of the residents as it has a spiritual value. It is known as “Arrêt Mame Tamsir”, in reference to El Hadji Tamsir Mamadou Ndiaye, an important imam for the Lebu population of Ngor.

Following the clashes, Senegalese President Macky Sall announced that the land would be split in half and granted in equal parts to the gendarmerie and the municipality. The decision put a halt to protests for the moment, but several residents we spoke to say they “want to continue fighting”.

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Pakistan’s ex-PM Imran Khan arrested, sparking violence

Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Imran Khan was arrested and dragged from court Tuesday as he appeared to face charges in multiple graft cases, a dramatic escalation of political tensions that sparked violent demonstrations by his angry supporters across the country.

The arrest of Khan, who was ousted in a no-confidence vote in April 2022 but remains the leading opposition figure, represented the latest confrontation to roil Pakistan, which has seen former prime ministers arrested over the years and interventions by its powerful military.

At least one person was reported killed in clashes between protesters and the military in Quetta, the capital of Baluchistan province, with another five people wounded there, while about 15 injuries were reported amid similar violence in Karachi, Peshawar, Rawalpindi and Lahore. Police fired tear gas to disperse demonstrations.

Amid the violence, officials at Pakistan’s telecommunication authority said regulators blocked social media, including Twitter, and internet service was suspended in the capital of Islamabad and other cities. Classes at some private schools were cancelled for Wednesday.

Khan was removed from the Islamabad High Court by security agents from the National Accountability Bureau, said Fawad Chaudhry, a senior official with his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party, and then shoved into an armored car and whisked away.

Chaudhry denounced the arrest of the 71-year-old former cricket star as “an abduction.” Pakistan’s independent GEO TV broadcast video of Khan being hauled away.

A scuffle broke out between Khan’s supporters and police outside the court. Some of Khan’s lawyers and supporters were injured in the melee, as were several police, Chaudhry said.

Khan was taken to the garrison city of Rawalpindi, near Islamabad, for questioning at the offices of the National Accountability Bureau, according to police and government officials. He also was to undergo a routine medical checkup, police said.

Khan had arrived at the Islamabad High Court from nearby Lahore, where he lives, to face charges in the graft cases.

He has denounced the cases against him, which include terrorism charges, as a politically motivated plot by his successor, Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif, saying his ouster was illegal and a Western conspiracy. Khan has campaigned against Sharif and demanded early elections.

Tuesday’s arrest was based on a new warrant from the National Accountability Bureau obtained last week in a separate graft case for which Khan had not been granted bail. His lawyers challenged the legality of the arrest, but the court upheld it, although it added that Khan should not have been forcibly removed from the courtroom. Khan is scheduled to appear at an anti-graft tribunal on Wednesday, officials said.

“Imran Khan has been arrested because he was being sought in a graft case,” Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah Khan told a news conference. He alleged Pakistan’s treasury had lost millions of dollars while Khan was in office due to illegal purchases of lands from a business tycoon.

The National Accountability Bureau is Pakistan’s powerful anti-corruption organization that has detained and investigated former officials, including prime ministers, politicians and retired military officers. But some view the NAB as a tool used by those in power, especially the military, to crack down on political opponents. When Khan was in power, his government arrested Sharif, then the opposition leader, through the NAB.

At a news conference, Law Minister Azam Tarar said Khan was arrested because he was not cooperating with the investigations. He also denounced the violence by Khan supporters, saying that protests must remain peaceful.

“It should have not happened,” he said, shortly after TV video emerged of burning vehicles and damaged public property in parts of the country.

Authorities said they have banned rallies in the eastern province of Punjab.

As the news of the arrest spread, about 4,000 of Khan’s supporters stormed the official residence of the top regional commander in Lahore, smashing windows and doors, damaging furniture and staging a sit-in as troops there retreated to avoid violence. The protesters also burned police vehicles and blocked key roads.

Protesters also smashed the main gate of the army’s headquarters in the garrison city of Rawalpindi, where troops exercised restraint. Hundreds of demonstrators shouted pro-Khan slogans as they moved toward the sprawling building.

In the port city of Karachi, police swung batons and fired tear gas to disperse hundreds of Khan supporters who had gathered on a key road.

Raoof Hasan, another leader from Khan’s party, told Al Jazeera English television that the arrest is “blatant interference in the judicial affairs by the powers-that-be.” Hasan added that Khan “was virtually abducted from the court of law.”

Khan’s arrest came hours after he issued a video message before heading to Islamabad, saying he was “mentally prepared” for arrest there.

Khan was wounded by a gunman at a rally in November, an attack that killed one of his supporters and wounded 13. He has insisted, without offering any evidence, that there is a plot to assassinate him, alleging that Pakistan’s spy agency was behind the conspiracy. The gunman was immediately arrested and police later released a video of him in custody, allegedly saying he had acted alone.

In a strongly worded statement Monday, the military accused Khan of “fabricated and malicious allegations” of its involvement in the November shooting, saying they are “extremely unfortunate, deplorable and unacceptable.”

The military has directly ruled Pakistan for more than half of the 75 years since the country gained independence from British colonial rule, and wields considerable power over civilian governments.

Sharif, whose government faces spiralling economic woes and is struggling to recover from last year’s devastating floods that killed hundreds and caused $30 billion in damage, slammed Khan for assailing the military.

“Let this be abundantly clear that you, as former prime minister, currently on trial for corruption, are claiming legitimacy to overturn the legal and political system,” Sharif tweeted after Khan’s arrest.

In a statement, the European Union urged “restraint and cool-headedness” in the country, through dialogue and the rule of law.

In Washington, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly both said at a news conference they were aware of reports about Khan’s arrest but declined any substantive comment. “We just want to make sure that whatever happens in Pakistan is consistent with the rule of law, with the constitution,” Blinken said.

Cleverly said he had not been briefed in detail but added, “The UK has a longstanding and close relationship with Pakistan. We are Commonwealth partners. We want to see peaceful democracy in that country. We want to see the rule of law adhered to. I’m uncomfortable to speculate further without having a detailed briefing on that.”

Khan is the seventh former prime minister to be arrested in Pakistan. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was arrested and hanged in 1979. The current prime minister’s brother, Nawaz Sharif, who also served as prime minister, was arrested several times on corruption allegations.

In March, police stormed Khan’s Lahore residence, seeking to arrest him based on a court order in a different case. Dozens of people, including police, were injured in the ensuing clashes. Khan was not arrested at the time and later obtained bail in the case.

Khan came to power in 2018 after winning parliamentary elections and had initially good relations with the military which gradually soured.

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View Q&A: Georgians will keep defending their freedoms, says EU expert


The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

Massive protests broke out in the streets of Georgia’s capital, Tbilisi, on 7 March as the parliament prepared to pass a bill that would require non-governmental organisations, news outlets and other entities that receive 20% of their funding from outside the country to be registered as “foreign agents”.

Immediately compared to the Russian and Hungarian laws on foreign agents, the draft law is in direct opposition to a 12-point EU conditionality plan that Georgia would need to fulfil in order to be granted candidacy status. 

Thousands took to the streets and continued to protest even after the draft bill was suspended from further parliamentary approval.

Euronews spoke to Vano Chkhikvadze from the Open Society Foundation in Georgia — an NGO that would be directly affected by the law — who also manages their European Integration program.

Euronews View: Could you provide us with a bit of background in terms of how this came about? Especially in a country where EU integration is still very popular, and this evidently goes against it?

Vano Chkhikvadze: Well, I think this is a clear sign that there’s a big split between the society and the authorities. On the one hand, authorities in Georgia try to demonstrate that they are pro-European.

They’re the ones who submitted the application for EU membership, but at the same time, they initiated this draft law and passed it in the first hearing. This pushed people to go out in the streets for three days.

On Thursday morning, the ruling Georgian Dream coalition representatives said they would suspend the law, and they will likely come back to it after they believe things have calmed down.

Euronews View: There are not that many countries where protests get so big so fast and where they end up being effective in procuring change in the parliament. Why do you think people were so angry?

Vano Chkhikvadze: The support for EU integration is very high in Georgia. At times, it has gone up to 80%. In fact, it’s never gone below 65% in the history of the country. 

People understood immediately that the law would derail Georgia’s membership process.

People see this as a Russian law, or a law that brings Georgia within the Russian sphere of interest and people have been fighting against that.

People do not believe that Georgian Dream will fully withdraw the law and, in fact, according to parliamentary procedure, this actually means that the same 78 members of parliament now have to organise a second hearing, and at that second hearing, they have to vote against the law. 

Let’s see how that goes.

Euronews View: What is the security situation in the country like, keeping in mind that 20% of Georgia has been under Russian occupation since 2008?

Vano Chkhikvadze: The occupation of the country is ongoing, and the human rights situation there continues to be drastic.

There are regular cases where people living on the other side of the occupation line accidentally cross the border and are arrested. 

There are Russian military bases located there, so this is pretty worrisome and makes the security situation pretty volatile.

Euronews View: What are the security guarantees from Western allies?

Vano Chkhikvadze: Georgia is a very close partner of NATO, and we strive to be members of it. 

The West has woken up after what’s happened in Ukraine. It’s not the situation it was back in 2008. 

I think they finally understand that it is [Russian president Vladimir] Putin’s Russia who wants to take control of the former Soviet States.

I think that these kinds of wake-up calls help us believe that if something happens, our Western partners would not be hesitant to support us. 

There are no firm security guarantees, but a general awareness in the West of what is going on here is appreciated by Georgian society.

Euronews View: What is the position of Georgian Dream when it comes to the security issues the country faces?

Vano Chkhikvadze: Georgian Dream’s approach is to demonise all other political parties and the civil society.

They try to claim that if it weren’t for Georgian Dream, there would be an active war in the country. 

And they try to promote this belief through the news outlets and TV channels controlled by them. They don’t have much else to sell to society.

The economic situation is pretty worrisome. The number of people leaving the country is quite drastic.

Thousands of people are trying to move to EU member states. Hundreds, if not thousands, are trying to get to the US as illegal migrants crossing the US-Mexico border. 

So Georgian Dream does not actually have much to offer. The only thing it can do is position itself as the only security guarantee that can maintain peace in Georgia.

Euronews View: But the major security risk to Georgia comes from Russia? How do they reason with passing Kremlin-inspired laws in order to keep the country safe from a Russian war?

Vano Chkhikvadze: We can’t really find the logic there. I think this was an attempt at demonising all their opponents, and the only thing they are thinking about — I would like to underline this — is how to maintain power in the 2024 elections. 

They don’t really care about other things. It’s priority number one.

Euronews View: Would you compare the protests and the reactions to the Maidan or Euromaidan moment in Ukraine? The scale of the protests and the EU theme seem pretty similar.

Vano Chkhikvadze: There might be some similarities. I know what the situation is here in Georgia. Basically, we are fighting for EU membership. We are fighting against anyone and anything that does not help us get there.

Euronews View: What are the political alternatives that exist in Georgia?

Vano Chkhikvadze: Not many, and it was very catchy what the leader of the biggest position party Levan Khabeishvili said on Wednesday.

He said that the people protesting on the streets don’t care about politics. 

They don’t care about political parties. What they care about is their country. 

So while there is not much of an alternative here, unfortunately, because the opposition parties are fairly weak, this does not lead to people giving up and accepting what is happening now. 

So while opposition parties are not really capable of resisting Georgian Dream, the people definitely think they can do it.

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