Regimes and rebels: Interview with Iranian dissident Masih Alinejad

Masih Alinejad has been persecuted by the Iranian government for decades for speaking out against women’s rights violations in Iran. Now, she is urging people to unite against gender apartheid.

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After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini began a harsh assault on women’s rights. 

Today, Iranian women are subject to strict dress codes, including the mandatory hijab, and face legal and political discrimination.

Violations of the rules are frequently met with intense and sometimes fatal brutality.

Speaking exclusively to Euronews, Iranian women’s rights activist Masih Alinejad has called on Western leaders to unite in favour of democracy and challenge dictatorships across the world. 

Persecuted by Iran’s government herself, the journalist-author recently launched a campaign United Against Gender Apartheid, which aims to share the stories of women living under the shadow of oppressive regimes. 

Here is what she said. 

Euronews: Let’s start by speaking about your latest initiative, United Against Gender Apartheid. What inspired you to start the campaign, and what is the aim?

Masih Alinejad: I launched this campaign because I believe in the power of storytelling. If every single woman takes her camera and talks about how it feels to be a second-class citizen in Afghanistan, how it feels to get kicked out of schools, how it feels to get lashes, to get beaten up in the streets in Iran for the crime of showing their hair – they can bring all women together.

It’s not just women in Iran and Afghanistan. Their stories have encouraged the women of Africa to join us. I think this campaign gives a picture of all women from all authoritarian regimes. 

You see women from Nicaragua, women from Venezuela, women from Sudan, from Africa, joining women from Iran and Afghanistan and calling for an end to the gender apartheid regime. And this unity is the key.

Euronews: What assistance have you received from the international community?

Alinejad: So far, some Western countries are trying to understand how the women of Iran and Afghanistan are suffering under gender apartheid, and how they can help to have gender apartheid classified in all international laws.

There are meetings with groups of women from Iran and Afghanistan, member states, and politicians and policymakers everywhere in European countries. But I think this is not sufficient.

We need a global rally, a global movement to unite all women across the globe, to call on their leaders, to get united to end gender apartheid.

Euronews: Dictators are uniting and seeking assistance to avoid sanctions and punishment from Western countries. At the same time, we see how Western leaders are scared to fully punish these regimes. How do you see regimes being held accountable by the new initiative?

Alinejad: This initiative is just one of the tools in our hands, the hands of dissidents, to bring the democratic countries together. Our struggle is important, but it’s not sufficient. The international community must hear the call from the World Liberty Congress.

We had our first general assembly where we united dissidents from 60 authoritarian regimes, the leaders of the movement in every authoritarian country from Africa to Latin America, to many regions in the Middle East, to Eastern Europe, to Asia, and people from Hong Kong. There are pro-democracy movements in each region. But at the same time, all the dictators from these regions are helping each other.

Two-thirds of the global population is living under authoritarian regimes. It is shocking, but it is true. It is a fact that 70% of the global population is living under autocrats. Democracy is in recession. I believe that only sanctions are not sufficient. It is a tool, but it’s not sufficient. We need to see all the democratic countries as united as authoritarian regimes to isolate dictatorships and terrorists.

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Euronews: You’re asking women across the world who are under authoritarian regimes to record a video of themselves, exposing the atrocities that they’re facing every day. Yet, we’ve also seen how many of these regimes have condemned and arrested people for speaking out. Have you seen a change in the mentality of people in their willingness to speak up against these regimes?

Alinejad: In my country, the regime created a new law saying that if anyone sent videos to Masih Alinejad would be sentenced to up to 10 years in prison. I remember I felt guilty. I felt the burden on my shoulders. I wanted to shut down my campaign. But guess what happened? I was bombarded by women sending videos.

Now mothers who lost their beloved ones in the protests, in the uprising, are sending videos to me in the same street where their children got killed, saying: “Masih, you should be our voice because we don’t have anything to lose. They killed our children, and now are telling us to stop being our storytellers? They want us to stop even crying for justice?”

Women in my country, women in authoritarian regimes, are fearless. They have nothing to lose. They had enough. But at the same time, they have agency. I’m not putting their lives in danger. These are the authoritarian regimes putting their lives in danger. And that’s why they believe they are like the women of suffrage. They have to risk their lives because they believe freedom is not free.

In my country, you see that the clerics are attacking women in the streets. Khamenei, the Supreme Leader, asked the police to put cameras everywhere to identify unveiled women. What happened? You see women showing their middle fingers to the cameras. You see women using their cameras as weapons to expose the violence of those who carry weapons, to expose the Islamic Republic, expose the Taliban, and African dictators.

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Euronews: During the recent parliamentary elections in Iran, we saw the lowest voter turnout since the Islamic Revolution in 1979. We are also witnessing government top officials voicing their discomfort with some of the conservatives’ policies. People in the streets are rebelling against the establishment. Do you think that a possibility of change might be looming in Iran?

Alinejad: I think the main change that the Iranian people want is regime change. They want to have a secular democracy. And they deserve to have it. There’s a huge gap between the young generation and the rulers. All the criminals, they’re ruling my country. So for that, I have to say that the Islamic Republic is not reformable.

Even those moderate boys who now boycotted the election concluded that they must get rid of the Islamic Republic and have a secular democracy. And believe me, a secular democracy not only benefits the people of Iran, but also the people in the region and the people in the West. So an Iran without an Islamic Republic will benefit the rest of the world.

We, the people of Iran, we’re not risking our lives to just save ourselves. We want to save the rest of the world from one of the most dangerous viruses, which is called the Islamic Republic. They are infecting the rest of the world.

There’s a famous saying in America: “What happens in Vegas stays in Vegas” – but I believe what happened in the Middle East is not going to stay in the Middle East. They will expand their ideology in Europe. Extremism everywhere.

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I believe that change will come in my country sooner or later, but history will judge those who could be a voice for the women of Iran, but they decided to ignore them, instead shaking the hands of the killers of my women.

This transcript has been edited for clarity and length.

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Iran one year after Mahsa Amini’s death

The 22-year-old’s death on 16 September sparked one of the largest – and most significant – waves of dissent to shake the Islamic Republic in years.

Security forces in Iran have prepared themselves well for the first anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s death. 

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The young Kurdish woman died on 16 September 2022 in the custody of the Iranian morality police (known as Irshad Patrol), sparking major nationwide protests.  

One year on, the political and social effects of her death still ripple through the country. 

Several hundred demonstrators were killed and more than 20,000 people were arrested during the protests that lasted several months. It is known as the “Woman Life Freedom” movement, reflecting the slogan used by those opposed to the Islamic Republic. 

Dozens of the regime’s security forces and its infamous Basij force were also killed and injured during the unrest.

But what impact have the protests had on Iran? 

Resistance to compulsory hijab has become a sign of protest

In Iran, women must cover their hair with a headscarf by law. 

Even before last year’s protest movement, Iranian women would commonly be seen wearing it loosely around their heads or at times their shoulders in defiance of the rules, which are deeply unpopular among large parts of the population. 

Disputes over the mandatory hijab have become one of the main issues hitting the headlines inside Iran. 

Without officially announcing their decision, Iranian authorities withdrew the morality police – who enforce the country’s strict Islamic dress codes and rules – from the streets in the weeks and months following Amini’s death. 

Violence perpetrated by the morality police towards women and girls is widely cited as one of the main factors leading up to the dissent. 

Now Iranian officials are trying to find a way to deal with the growing number of women who are refusing to cover their hair. 

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Yet, the balance of power between the regime and defiant women may have changed.

Although the authorities have stressed several times in recent months that those breaking the rules will be punished, observers say the current situation is vastly different from what women faced before Amini’s death.

Before the protests, Iranian officials were concerned mainly with women wearing what they called “bad hijab” – not wearing it in a way that covers the hair completely – whereas nowadays they see more and more women without a headscarf in public.

Amini herself was arrested by the morality police for alleged “bad hijab”, while travelling with her family to the capital, Tehran. She reportedly was badly beaten, suffering several violent blows to the head, though Iran’s authorities deny this. 

Morality police have returned to the streets to resume their patrols, with women seen unveiled in their cars sent warnings over SMS. However, these officers are no longer presenting themselves as “morality police” as they used to before Amini’s death. 

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A Euronews report in April found China was “turbocharging” this crackdown on Iranian women, providing crucial technologies and other support to Iran’s government. 

Ali Khamenei, the leader of the Islamic Republic, a few months ago spoke about the acceptance of “weak hijab”, as he called it. 

His comments could be interpreted as a sign that the Iranian authorities now prioritise dealing with women who refuse to cover up at all. 

Still, many ordinary Iranians are more concerned about skyrocketing prices and the country’s sanctions-racked economy.  

A recent measure taken by Iranian authorities to confront and punish rule breakers is the so-called “Chastity and Hijab” bill, which empowers intelligence agencies and the police to take action against women. 

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United Nations experts have labelled the legal changes, which create new penalties and heavy fines for unveiled women, “gender apartheid”.

A growing appetite for ‘regime change’

Sparked by Amini’s death, protests have morphed into one of the most significant challenges to Iran’s theocratic rulers in years. 

Unrest was eventually crushed amid a wave of violence and bloodshed, with the security forces shooting people for honking their cars in support of demonstrators and using military-grade weapons in Iranian Kurdistan. 

But protests continue in Sistan and Baluchistan, with weekly demos in the latter’s capital Zahedan persisting long after relative calm returned elsewhere in the country.

The nationwide protests in 2022 were not only one of the most serious challenges to the regime since the 1979 Islamic revolution, they were also unprecedented in terms of geographical spread and length. 

Experts suggested to Euronews in November that the society was uniquely united, with Iranian human rights lawyer Shadi Sadr saying at the time that the unrest showed the regime had lost approval among its “core supporters“.

Iranian authorities – caught off guard by the dissent – are now ultra-sensitive towards a possible return of trouble on the streets. 

The arrest of relatives of killed protestors ahead of the Amini anniversary has been interpreted by some as a sign of the regime’s insecurity. 

Disagreements inside the regime about how to deal with resistance have also been reported in recent months, with Cornelius Adebahr, a non-resident fellow at the Carnegie Europe research centre, pointing to possible “power struggles” among elites back in December. 

Besides “woman, life, freedom”, many protesters chanted slogans openly calling for regime change. 

Previous leaders in Iran, such as former president Hassan Rouhani, have tried to reform the Islamic Republic from the inside, relaxing social restrictions. But the protests underscored that many Iranians, especially the young, want a complete change of system. 

Iranians are facing an economic crisis mainly due to international sanctions over the country’s nuclear programme. 

Households up and down the country are challenged by rapid and consecutive waves of price increases, with the Iranian currency losing more than 90% of its value over a decade, according to The Economist.

The authorities are worried about the possible convergence of public protests against dire economic conditions, like those that erupted in 2019 due to fuel price rises, with unrest similar to that after Amini’s death. 

An uneasy status quo between the regime and protestors has settled in but the current situation seems unstable, tense and fragile in many ways.

Any incident in the coming weeks and months could possibly break the balance of power in one way or another. Any unknowable event, like the death of Amini, could “surprise” political observers. 

In the meantime, one of the main uncertainties for the regime is who will take over from the 84-year-old supreme leader. 

Ali Khamenei has led the Islamic Republic for more than three-quarters of its tumultuous history. He is the final decision-maker in the country, especially on matters related to security and foreign policy. 

Owing to the importance of his role and position, some say that it is difficult to believe Iran and its military-security complex will not change in his absence.

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