Will Zelenskyy’s four-star general become his main political opponent?

Will Zelenskyy’s four-star general become his main political opponent?

Post By World euroviews, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Ukraine politics, ukraine war, Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Volodymyr Zelenskyy

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

The Zelenskyy-Zaluzhnyi beef is a reminder that the essence of politics lies in disagreement or divergence of group interests — especially when those interests involve the survival of the nation and its people, Aleksandar Đokić writes.

As the war in Ukraine nears the two-year mark, global attention has radically shifted away from Russia’s ongoing act of aggression. Battlefield reports have become scarce, and the continued humanitarian crisis affecting tens of millions of Ukrainians barely makes the news any more.

Yet, the most recent bombshell out of Kyiv alleging a behind-the-scenes dispute between President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and army commander-in-chief Valerii Zaluzhnyi brought Ukraine to the headlines of the media around the world once more.

Rumours of Zaluzhnyi’s imminent dismissal as a consequence of an ever-widening rift between two key figures in wartime Ukraine of today are said to be tied to the fact that Zaluzhnyi — seen by many as a level-headed realist — has become increasingly more popular among Ukrainians than Zelenskyy himself.

While the Ukrainian president dismissed this as “not true”, fears over Zaluzhnyi’s rise in popularity in domestic politics would serve to prove that, while a nation’s unity in times of war might be strong, concord in politics tends to be very short-lived.

And if anything, the Zelenskyy-Zaluzhnyi beef is a reminder that the essence of politics lies in disagreement or divergence of group interests — especially when those interests involve the survival of the nation and its people.

What unites a country?

In fact, history has shown that the unity of the people and various political options is an unnatural state in the realm of politics.

This coming together of an entire society is usually either a product of tyranny from within — where unity represents merely a false image of itself, as in the case of Vladimir Putin’s Russia — or forced from the outside by aggressive foreign powers threatening the sole existence of a nation.

Going a mere decade back, Ukrainian society was, like any other, divided between conflicting interests of various groups, represented by political parties, with a meddling oligarchic element to boot.

However, Ukrainians already had a unifying incentive, that many societies luckily don’t have — an increasingly aggressive and revanchist great power at its doorstep, attempting to capture Ukraine’s territory and reconfigure its national identity.

The Ukrainian political class didn’t only face the cumbersome task of building democratic institutions and curbing oligarchic influence over the political sphere. It also had to do so while dealing with the military aggression of its now resurgent former imperial master.

Enter Zelenskyy

Fast forward to the last presidential electoral cycle in Ukraine in 2019: the current president of the country, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, achieved a unifying effect never seen before in contemporary Ukrainian politics.

In the runoff, he got both the west and the east of the country to support him, while replacing a string of oligarchs who preceded him, including Petro Poroshenko and Viktor Yanukovich.

Russia’s total war against Ukraine in 2022 changed the political landscape of both countries.

Moscow slid into totalitarianism, while in Ukraine, the vast majority of the nation rallied around President Zelenskyy, a political figure only a few considered to be as resilient as he turned out to be.

Zelenskyy, a man of charisma and a politician who understood how to appropriately communicate with a wide audience, helped the Ukrainian people beat back the main onslaught of Russian troops.

Western aid, in terms of armaments and finances, came later. It was Zelenskyy’s voice, his presence, that instilled hope in the hearts of Ukrainians around the world.

Even those who mocked him and thought he was incapable of holding the highest political office, came to respect his actions when they were needed the most, and Zelenskyy went on to become a globally recognised leader of a nation embroiled in a David vs Goliath-esque contest.

The nature of politics inevitably rears its head

However, after nearly two years of bloody war, the frontlines barely moving, and new wars and crises arising elsewhere, Ukraine lost its leading place in the world news reports. Zelenskyy’s aplomb just wasn’t enough any more.

Internally, the nature of politics began to show itself. By mid-2023, it was already clear that Zelenskyy would be facing renewed opposition.

His controversial former advisor Oleksiy Arestovych immediately presented himself as a promising potential leader of the “stalemate” or “sober” party — claiming to be the actual realist in the room.

He alone, nonetheless, didn’t stand much chance against Zelenskyy, having switched too many political camps in his career, and it became evident that not many of those who were a part of the pre-war opposition would back him.

With Zelenskyy at the helm of the determined resistance strain of Ukrainian politics, then who could be the face of the stalemate party, without him or her being labelled a defeatist or, even worse, Putin’s agent?

The answer to that question was clear to the opposition veterans from the start — four-star general Valerii Zaluzhnyi definitely fits the bill.

Will the four-star general stand and be counted?

The general, already a war hero, is surely a strong-willed and determined individual, marked by the makings of a Macarthurian type of character. And more importantly, he has the overwhelming trust of the Ukrainian people on his side.

A December 2023 poll by the Kyiv Institute of Sociology showed that 88% of Ukrainians supported Zaluzhnyi, while Zelenskyy’s approval rating hovered at around 62%.

The same poll demonstrated that while the absolute majority of Ukrainians also do not favour the option of peace in lieu of giving up a part of their country’s territory — 74% are against it — a growing number of people now see the stalemate as a possibility, with 19% ready to accept it (up from 14% in October and 10% in May).

Zaluzhnyi’s words in a now-infamous interview in November 2023, where he expressed his reservation that Ukraine might be stuck in a long and costly war, have stung the ever-persistent Zelenskyy just as much as they have made the possible pact with the devil seem slightly more acceptable than the continued devastation of Ukraine.

At the same time, his outspoken and direct takes also piqued the interest of the nearly-inert Ukrainian opposition, already significantly weakened after the 2019 elections and following February 2022, when it lost almost all of its appeal.

Yet, the passage of time and lack of progress on the battlefield has made them once again engage in a political match against Zelenskyy, as can be gleaned from those from the Verkhovna Rada issuing accusatory statements aimed at him while supporting Zaluzhnyi to the Western press these days.

All they need now is a respectable leader to stand and be counted.

Aleksandar Đokić is a Serbian political scientist and analyst with bylines in Novaya Gazeta. He was formerly a lecturer at RUDN University in Moscow.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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Disability rights in Ukraine are a litmus test for democracy

Post By World Accessibility, disability, euroviews, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Ukraine politics, Volodymyr Zelenskyy

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

When Ukraine emerges from conflict, the country has the promise to rebuild itself as a model for a free, fair, and inclusive society. Ensuring that the rights of people with disabilities are respected will be a major test of how well it succeeds, Virginia Atkinson and Yuliia Sachuk write.

Air raid sirens blare across Ukraine every day. The sound signals what has become a part of Ukrainians’ daily routine: run down the steps to the basement, shelter in place, and, as millions have, trek miles to shelter or to flee.

But for those with disabilities who can’t hear those signals, who can’t access bomb shelters, who can’t make it across the border or to a shelter — they continue to be left behind.

One woman’s family — all of whom are blind — never knew where the entrance to their apartment building’s basement was.

When the building owner told residents to shelter there, they were dismissed when they asked for directions.

This is just one scenario where people with disabilities could not access a shelter. In 2023, the Ukrainian Interior Ministry found that nearly 900 over 4,800 shelters were locked or in a state of disrepair; a majority of the remaining shelters are inaccessible to people with disabilities.

This past week, at the World Economic Forum in Davos, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy promoted a Ukrainian peace plan, urging his allies to remain committed to Ukraine “to build, to reconstruct, to restore our lives.”

As towns in Ukraine rebuild at this very moment, it is important to recognise that for people with disabilities, a one-size-fits-all playbook to survive and recover from the war does not exist.

When Ukraine emerges victorious, to thrive as an inclusive democracy, it must prioritise those being left behind right now.

Russia’s full-scale invasion made matters dire

Making the country work for its increased population of people with disabilities must not wait for the end of hostilities.

Around 2.7 million Ukrainians have disabilities, estimated by the State Statistics Service, though due to stigma and discrimination against self-identifying, this number is under-reported; a 2020 survey by Ukrainian disability rights NGO Fight for Right and the Kyiv International Institution of Sociology found that 16.8% of Ukrainians have a disability, a number that is rising daily during the conflict.

Before the full-scale invasion, Ukraine began to reform its social services to promote independence and a more rights-based approach to disability.

In 2021, the government adopted the Strategy for Barrier-Free Society, focusing on “empowering persons with disabilities to fully participate in society and ensure they can enjoy their fundamental rights.”

But when Russia went on a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, those efforts came to a screeching halt.

Information disseminated to the public included crucial information, like curfews, where to seek shelter, and guidance on martial law.

Oleksandr, a man with a visual disability, couldn’t find out where to buy bread during the first months of the invasion, with information largely being inaccessible due to a lack of resources in sign language, large fonts, or audio or visual formats.

As people evacuated, some left behind loved ones who were older or had a disability. According to an Amnesty International report, 4,000 older Ukrainians with disabilities have been forced into state institutions.

As the Washington Post writes in a sobering report about internally displaced Ukrainians with disabilities, many of these institutions are in remote areas and violate international standards on access to independent decision-making for people with disabilities.

Children with disabilities are falling behind in their school lessons, with little to no support provided to families of children with disabilities.

Even getting to the border is not a guarantee of being allowed to cross. According to Fight for Right’s estimates, thousands of men with disabilities have been refused passage across the border.

The provisions of conscription state that persons with disabilities are not subject to conscription, but border guards are not sensitised to disability and often send men with disabilities away without any information on what documentation they need to cross.

International actors’ help needed

The challenges facing people with disabilities during the war point to the challenges that Ukraine will reckon with during reconstruction.

The number of people with disabilities has already skyrocketed throughout the war, many of whom are wounded soldiers. As a recent AP report outlines, wounded veterans need to be given resources to independently navigate the world.

For many soldiers, children, and adults — wounded and non-wounded alike — the trauma of seeing these atrocities will undoubtedly impact their mental and emotional health for the rest of their lives.

For Ukraine to thrive as an inclusive democracy, international actors need to prioritise identifying solutions to these issues.

The upcoming Ukraine Recovery Conference in Berlin provides an opportunity to focus attention on ensuring people with disabilities are meaningfully involved in Ukraine’s recovery and reform.

Buildings should be rebuilt in an accessible manner, institutions should be abandoned in favour of strategies for people with disabilities to live independently in the community, new laws and policies developed as part of the EU accession process should align with the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, and the elections held when martial law is lifted should be accessible to voters with disabilities.

Many of the accommodations that can be applied are ones that we already use in our everyday lives, whether it be voice-to-text software on our phones or ramps that make buildings more accessible to people with physical disabilities or for parents with young children.

Democracy is at stake

We at the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and Fight for Right are committed to doing our part.

Ahead of the 2020 local elections in Ukraine, the IFES team supported the Central Election Commission and organisations of persons with disabilities to design a QR code that allowed people with a smartphone to consume written content in Ukrainian sign language and audio format.

This voter education dissemination method was recognised with an Innovative Practice Award from the Zero Project at the UN in Vienna. The same can be done for any other piece of what could be life-saving information.

As Ukraine returns to ordinary democratic life, we will continue to work with Ukrainian partners to ensure that these standards are reflected in elections and that all Ukrainians have access to participate in the political process.

The global community has recognised, since the start of the full-scale invasion, that what is at stake is democracy.

When Ukraine emerges from conflict, the country has the promise to rebuild itself as a model for a free, fair, and inclusive society.

Ensuring that the rights of people with disabilities are respected will be a litmus test of how well it succeeds.

Virginia Atkinson serves as Global Inclusion Adviser at the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, and Yuliia Sachuk is Head of the Ukrainian Fight for Right NGO.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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#Disability #rights #Ukraine #litmus #test #democracy

Maidan Square: ‘A rather modest Ukrainian protest turned revolution’

Post By World EU-Ukraine 2013, european integration, Kyiv, protest, Ukraine, Ukraine politics

November marked 10 years since the start of the Maidan revolution which ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych.

On November 21, 2013, Yanukovych announced he was shelving an agreement to bring the country closer to the European Union and instead would deepen ties with President Vladimir Putin’s Russia.

Outraged crowds soon filled Independence Square, or Maidan Square, for peaceful anti-government protests. Later, after riot police used truncheons and tear gas to disperse the people, demonstrators set up tent camps with barricades, self-defence units and banners with revolutionary slogans. In response to the police violence, hundreds of thousands joined the demonstrations in early December.

The standoff reached a climax in February 2014, when police unleashed a brutal crackdown on the protests and dozens of people were slain between February 18 and 21, many by police snipers. A European-mediated peace deal between the government and protest leaders envisioned the formation of a transition government and an early election, but demonstrators later seized government buildings, and Yanukovych fled to Russia.

The Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance said 107 people were killed in the uprising that became known as the “Maidan Revolution” or the “Revolution of Dignity.”

Euronews asked several people in Kyiv during those months to share their memories of the revolution.

“I think that then, actually, for every Ukrainian there was not even a choice to leave or not for every conscious Ukrainian. We knew what we wanted, and we understood that our government, Yanukovych, somehow decided to deceive us. At first, he told us that this is how we would have a path to European integration, and then at one point, he signed some new agreements with Russia. And we understand we are not moving where we want,” recalled Kyiv-based documentary filmmaker Marina Chankova.

Ukrainian historian Yevhenii Monastyrskyi told Euronews that he found himself in Kyiv in the early days of Euromaidan because he had come to the capital for a scientific conference.

“I then went out to see what was happening in the centre. And this is the first moment that I remember very well: a small group of students gathered together on the first night in Independence Square, and then on the second and third days I just watched other people joining them,” Yevhenii said.

The first to express their discontent in the centre of Kyiv were mostly young people. The protest was peaceful, but after a few days, the authorities decided to disperse the protesters, motivating their actions by the fact that a Christmas tree was planned to be installed in the central square.

“The events that stuck with me took place on 30 November: students were beaten up,” recalled Marcy Shore, a specialist in Eastern European history at Yale University in the United States. “Most people in the square were young because they had the most to lose. Europe was close to them, and Euromaidan in November 2013 belonged to this generation.”

According to Marcy Shore, Viktor Yanukovych was counting on the fact that the massacre of students would scare their parents and force them to take their children away from the square.

“And then something unexpected happened: instead of taking the children off the street, the parents joined them,” said Shore.

After the dispersal of the student protest “many people said, you know, I went to bed in Kiev, I woke up in Moscow,” recalled Atlantic Council contributor Peter Dickinson.

“And at that point, the protests mushroomed massively. So this was the 1st of December 2013. And then within hours, the next day, you had almost a million people on the streets of central Kyiv. Buildings were occupied. A permanent tent city was established on Maidan. And what had been a pretty modest protest movement had become a revolution, essentially,” said Dickinson.

Sergio Cantone was running Euronews’ Kyiv bureau in those days.

“It was extremely cold and they were burning the tyres. The protesters burned the tyres and then also the Molotov cocktails. And I remember this kind of almost, if I may say so, legendary. I have a kind of legendary feeling, mythological feeling. It was the war of the ice and the fire because the two things were together,” Cantone remembered.

“And then, of course, the stun bombs used by the Berkut to contain the protest. The sound of stun bombs,” he added, referring to the riot police.

“Most people I spoke to at the time considered it a decisive moment for Ukraine in terms of how it would develop, what kind of state it would become. Would it become a European country or suffer the fate of a Soviet-type authoritarian state? It was a civilisational choice,” said Peter Dickinson.

“The idea was to get rid of an unjust, immoral and corrupt system,” Cantone said.

In January three protesters were shot dead, the first fatalities of the protests.

Then, between February 18 to 20, dozens of people were killed in clashes with the police in the city, the most tragic days of the revolution.

“Before our eyes, people in the city centre were killed by our authorities. Well, that was the kind of turning point that caused even more outrage. And at that moment, the Ukrainian people in general, and as much as they felt later, understood that no, we will go to the end, we will go to the end, and no one was afraid,” Marina Chankova said.

“Presumably the mass killings were designed to disperse the crowd. They were designed to terrify Ukrainians and to send them out. What I saw as I came down and began walking towards Maidan was a vast sea of humanity going towards Maidan of Ukrainians. And people were carrying bottles of water, medicines, coats, food, anything they had, and to go and see if they could help. So the killings had the exact opposite impact,” Dickinson recalled.

“People were deeply shocked and traumatised, but they were very determined and their response to these mass killings was, no, we will not, we will not flee, we will not run, we will go, we will confront this threat to all our nation, our independence, our democracy,” he added.

“The Maidan shootings were the biggest shock of all these months,” Yevhenii Monastyrskyi said.

“Such a thing cannot be forgiven by anyone. The long journey of building civil society, which began in the early 2000s, reached its first peak precisely in February 2014, when it became clear that we, the citizens of Ukraine, civil society, had reached the point where we could no longer co-exist with this government and something had to change,” recalled Yevhenii.

“This is this very long movement to create a civil society, which began in the early 2000s. We reached this first peak, in fact, in February of the fourteenth year, when it became clear that we’re citizens of Ukraine. Civil society has reached the point where we can no longer coexist with this government and something needs to change.”

After Yanukovych’s ouster, Russia responded in March 2014 by illegally annexing Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula. Then, separatist forces backed by Moscow began an uprising in the eastern Ukraine region known as the Donbas, which grew into a long-running conflict, leaving thousands dead.

Finally, in February 2022, Putin launched his war that continues to this day, with tens of thousands of deaths on both sides amid Europe’s biggest conflict since World War II.

Ukrainians in 2013 had wanted the country to enter into a deal with the EU, but Putin pressured Yanukovych to pull out at the last minute. Ukrainian leaders who followed were more eager than ever to bring Kyiv into the Western fold.

Despite the calamities, Ukraine has become more united than in its 32 years of independence and has drawn closer to the EU, the United States and the West in general — an outcome Putin had tried to prevent. Today, under President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the country has won widespread support and admiration amid the Russian invasion.

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Is Ukraine’s tax policy worse than corruption?

Post By World business, Russia's war in Ukraine, Tax, Ukraine politics, Ukrainian economy, Volodymyr Zelenskyy

Can you imagine how the economy of any major Western country would perform if one had to gather a heap of documents for every transaction, just to prove your good intentions, Dmytro Boyarchuk writes.

To counter Russian aggression both today and in the future, one thing is clear: Ukraine must strengthen its economic capacity.

Ukrainians cannot realistically expect foreign investments to flow into the country until Russian hostility subsides.

Thus, the only resource we can truly rely on is the business community currently committed to remaining in Ukraine. Local businesses—small, mid-sized, and large—represent the future of the nation.

Surprisingly, however, Ukrainian authorities seem to undervalue the importance of their most valuable internal resource, placing their bets on significant foreign support and potential reparations from Russia as the means to stabilise the economy.

Meanwhile, Ukrainian businesses — especially those of medium size — grapple with a burdensome taxation system.

The flawed tax administration consistently ranks high in business polls, second only to issues like a drop in demand and other war-related complications.

But it’s not just the magnitude of the taxes that concerns businesses (even though taxation is by no means insignificant) — it is also the disruptive manner in which authorities handle tax and customs collections.

‘Guilty until found innocent’

Remember: The Ukrainian law enforcement system is not merely “weak”; it is dysfunctional and unreliable.

A lack of trust in the judiciary and law enforcement has led authorities to base tax and customs collections on a presumption of guilt.

Unlike in developed countries where tax administration relies on the inevitability of punishment for tax evasion, the Ukrainian system operates on the assumption that all taxpayers are potentially planning to commit a crime.

Therefore, taxpayers are required to provide proof for every single transaction, demonstrating that they have no ill intent.

Can you imagine how the economy of any major Western country would perform if one had to gather a heap of documents for every transaction, just to prove your good intentions?

The Gordian knot that needs untangling

The visa application process is a fitting analogy. Consider how every EU or American citizen who plans to visit mainland China must obtain a visa.

They gather the necessary documents and fill out the required forms, yet the visa’s approval is not guaranteed. Instead, approval is at the discretion of a Chinese officer.

Ukrainian businesses face a similar challenge with their government, needing a metaphorical “visa” for every reporting period to continue operations.

Businesses have put forth numerous proposals to address this issue, ranging from a simplified tax on withdrawn capital to the more radical idea of abolishing the VAT (Value Added Tax) in favour of a sales tax.

While the former is more feasible, the latter seems improbable given European Union mandates that all member states implement a VAT.

The authorities refuse to acknowledge the problem, asserting that Ukrainian taxpayers simply don’t want to pay taxes — which is not true.

Something must be done to untangle this Gordian knot. Otherwise, Ukraine will find itself continually and indefinitely seeking more financial support from EU and US taxpayers, just to stay afloat for years to come.

Fixing the disruptive tax administration isn’t a straightforward task. In a setting where the rule of law is non-functional, “presumption of guilt” administrative practices are highly discretionary and largely corrupt. However, a solution is necessary.

GDP growth is tied to reducing corruption

In the West, there is a significant focus on the issue of corruption in Ukraine.

Individual accountability for corrupt actions is undeniably crucial. Yet there seems to be less emphasis on addressing the tools and systems that enable corruption in the first place.

Research from the International Monetary Fund indicates that Ukraine could see an additional 0.85% in annual GDP growth if corruption were reduced to levels seen in neighbouring countries like Bulgaria and Romania, members of both the EU and NATO.

CASE Ukraine’s own estimates suggest that simply eliminating one document, the “deeds of transfer and acceptance” — which tax authorities use extensively to exert discretionary power — could save businesses around 0.6% of GDP annually.

This particular document is not utilised anywhere else globally, except in post-Soviet nations.

And it represents only a fraction of the vast system in place that leverages “presumption of guilt” practices against taxpayers in Ukraine.

Be the reformers Ukrainians desperately need

This is why a petition was initiated and addressed to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, urging the elimination of the “presumption of guilt” practices in tax and customs administration.

The petition garnered the required 25,000 votes, an impressive number for a tax-related issue in Ukraine, indicating that there is significant concern for thousands of businesses.

President Zelenskyy even responded favourably to it. However, the Ministry of Finance countered, asserting that there isn’t an issue and the existing law clearly establishes a “presumption of innocence” in taxation practices.

This response, once again, highlights the disconnect between the written law and the actual practice on the ground.

Ukraine’s businesses are left bearing the consequences and struggling to stay afloat, while our nation’s growth potential is hindered.

The path to a brighter future for the Ukrainian economy is clear. The only question that remains is, can policymakers be pressured into becoming the reformers that Ukraine’s people so desperately need?

Dmytro Boyarchuk serves as Executive Director of CASE Ukraine, a think tank based in Kyiv.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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Small nation or not, Iceland wants to help Ukraine defend Europe, too

Post By World Iceland, nato, Russia's war in Ukraine, Ukraine politics, Vladimir Putin, Volodymyr Zelenskyy

By David Kirichenko, Freelance journalist, Editor at Euromaidan Press • Updated: 17/07/2023
– 12:18

Although one of Europe’s smallest countries and far from Ukraine, Iceland has made extensive efforts to help in Kyiv’s fight against Russia’s full-scale invasion, David Kirichenko writes.

When Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy addressed the Icelandic Parliament on 6 May 2022, only a few months after Russia’s full-scale invasion, he began his speech by greeting them in Icelandic, saying, “Hello, this is Volodymyr from Kyiv.”

Highlighting the ancient ties between Iceland and Ukraine, tracing back to Scandinavian settlers who arrived in Ukraine in the 8th century, he highlighted that “the size of a country is of no importance when fighting for democracy.”

The Ukrainian president’s words were not just empty phrases meant to get another ally on board.

In fact, they couldn’t be more honest and true: as one of Europe’s smallest countries and most distant from Ukraine, Iceland has made extensive efforts to help in Ukraine’s fight against Russia’s full-scale invasion of the country and to protect Europe.

Iceland is no stranger to conflict, and Reykjavik is painfully aware of the threat posed to it due to its strategic location and to Nordic countries as global superpowers like Russia gradually start shifting more resources towards the race for control of the Arctic.

Rushing to Ukraine’s aid from the other end of the continent, the island nation of just 350,000 inhabitants has done more than other much larger and more powerful European nations.

And yet, so little remains known about Reykjavik’s commitment.

Reykjavik opts for sanctions despite significant consequences

Iceland’s steady support for Ukraine against Russian aggression is rooted in a longstanding pledge to uphold democracy and international law.

That is why, when Russia first invaded Ukraine and annexed Crimea in 2014, Iceland did not hesitate to impose economic sanctions on Moscow, despite potential consequences on its economy heavily reliant on fishing.

This decision, however, came at a cost for Iceland’s fishermen, as Russia retaliated by banning food imports from the island nation.

Even in the face of potential financial consequences, Iceland’s foreign minister at the time, Gunnar Bragi Sveinsson, boldly affirmed during his 2014 visit to Kyiv that the country’s support for Ukraine was unwavering. And it has stood the test of time.

The impact of these sanctions on Iceland has been particularly challenging, as seafood exports constitute a vital component of the national economy, and Russia represents a significant market for these exports.

Nonetheless, Iceland has remained resolute in its stance.

The only NATO member without an army

Despite its lack of a military force, Iceland places tremendous value on its membership in NATO, recognising the pivotal role it plays in safeguarding shared values and upholding a rule-based international order.

Iceland is also Europe’s least densely populated country, holding the unique distinction of being the sole NATO member without a standing army.

In fact, it hasn’t had a military ever since it was disbanded in 1869, opting for a small coast guard with four vessels and four aircraft in total.

Despite its size, Iceland played a monumental strategic role during the Cold War, as it allowed NATO allies to station troops on its island and offered its support to assist the organisation in the past.

Even in the post-Berlin Wall era, Iceland’s role as a guardian of crucial waterways continues to position it as a valuable ally, despite its absence of military forces.

A show of remarkable solidarity, practical and symbolic

Although directly providing weapons to Ukraine is not feasible, Iceland has contributed by aiding allied nations in the transportation of essential equipment to destinations like Poland.

While Iceland has a non-weapon sales policy, it has helped acquire 10 oil transporting trucks for the Ukrainian army.

The Icelandic government, recognising the paramount importance of oil transportation in bolstering the defence capabilities and manoeuvrability of the Ukrainian military against the backdrop of Russian invasion forces, sanctioned this purchase.

In addition to these vital vehicles, Iceland has extended further support to the Ukrainian Armed Forces, which included the provision of 12,000 pieces of winter clothing.

The country has also already donated three field hospitals to Ukraine, and an additional three are being requested to help treat injured Ukrainian soldiers and civilians. Each field hospital costs about €7.9 million.

On top of that, Iceland has extended remarkable solidarity to Ukraine by not only offering diplomatic and financial backing but also by taking nearly 3,000 Ukrainian refugees while donating close to €500,000 to support the revitalisation of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure.

Beyond their generous financial aid, Reykjavik has taken substantial symbolic measures to show its support for Ukraine’s cause.

Icelandic lawmakers officially acknowledged the Holodomor, commonly referred to as the “death by hunger,” a famine that occurred between 1932 and 1933 as a result of Soviet government policies in Ukraine that saw millions of Ukrainians starving to death.

On the diplomatic front, Iceland has opted to close its embassy in Moscow. Russia’s Foreign Ministry claimed Iceland destroyed bilateral cooperation and stated that any actions taken by Reykjavik that are perceived as anti-Russian in nature will undoubtedly trigger a corresponding reaction.

Safeguarding the continent despite Moscow’s sabre-rattling

In today’s context, a parallel scenario is unfolding amidst the tense Arctic Ocean, evoking memories of the Cold War era.

As a result, the Kremlin’s aggressive behaviour continues to underscore Iceland’s strong support for Ukraine.

In 2014, Russia established the “OSK Sever,” a Unified Strategic Command, in a bid to fortify security along its vast Arctic borders and safeguard its interests in the region.

In recent years, the Russian air force has exhibited heightened activity across northern Europe. The Kremlin’s sabre-rattling is, in fact, growing.

While the trajectory of the Arctic is inclined toward potential conflicts, Iceland is increasingly recognising the importance of safeguarding the European continent from the encroachment of an expansionist Moscow.

And despite the threats, the island nation continues to truly demonstrate that no country is too small to contribute to the collective European defence in Ukraine.

David Kirichenko is a freelance journalist covering Eastern Europe and an editor at Euromaidan Press.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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Viktor Yushchenko had a lasting impact on Ukraine’s national revival

Post By World Russia's war in Ukraine, Ukraine politics, Viktor Yanukovych, Viktor Yushchenko, Vladimir Putin

By David Kirichenko, Freelance journalist, Editor at Euromaidan Press • Updated: 10/07/2023
– 19:21

The strength shown by the Ukrainian people today is a continuation of the work started by past leaders like Yushchenko, who began tearing the country free from the oppressive grip of its tyrannical neighbour, David Kirichenko writes.

In late February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, a turning point in the fight for Ukrainian national identity.

As the country came under attack, the Ukrainian people became united in their resistance and determination to push back against Russia’s aggression.

At the same time, Ukrainians also began to reflect more actively on the long history of Moscow’s malign acts against their country.

While much of the credit for this shift in the national consciousness is rightfully given to the brave resistance of the Ukrainian people, it is important to recognise the role played by former Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko in laying the foundations for a renewed sense of national identity and unmasking Vladimir Putin’s paranoia that will eventually lead to his downfall.

The Orange Revolution, the turning point in Ukrainian-Russian relations

In the 2004 presidential race, Yushchenko declared his candidacy, much to the dismay of then-President Leonid Kuchma.

The Ukrainian Constitution prohibited Kuchma from running for a third consecutive term, but he still desired a successor loyal to him and his interests.

As a result, Kuchma endorsed Viktor Yanukovych, the PM at the time and former regional administrator in Donetsk, as he saw him as a dependable ally who would follow in his footsteps.

Although Yushchenko briefly served as prime minister under Kutchma, the former central banker was a reformist, and Kuchma had no intention of allowing him to become president in 2004 as opposed to a more easily pliable Yanukovych.

As the Orange Revolution began to unfold in 2004 — sparked by reports of election rigging in Yanukovych’s favour by both domestic and international monitors — it became increasingly clear that the once close relationship between Ukraine and Russia was on shaky ground.

Before the controversial presidential election, many believed that Ukraine would remain closely aligned with Russia.

However, the widespread two-month-long protests that followed the election, sparked by voter fraud and manipulation allegations, signalled a major shift in Ukrainian politics and attitudes toward Russia.

The Orange Revolution marked a turning point in the relationship between the two countries, as Ukrainians stood up to demand their voices be heard and their democracy respected.

The origin of the ‘fascist Ukraine’ trope lies in the anti-Yushchenko propaganda

In a bold move, Russian President Vladimir Putin travelled to Kyiv in 2004 to personally endorse and support Yanukovych in the presidential election.

However, the tide turned with the explosive events of the Orange Revolution, which resulted in a seismic shift towards Europe.

It also led to the runoff results getting annulled, allowing a re-run in which Yushchenko won by a 6% margin.

In the aftermath of the revolution, Russia adopted a fiercely nationalistic stance at home and a more confrontational approach on the international stage.

Yushchenko was a passionate advocate for Ukraine’s integration into Europe and a fierce opponent of Moscow’s influence.

His push for strengthening the Ukrainian identity even drew the ire of the opposition party, and he was among the first political leaders to be labelled a “Nazi” due to promoting the native language and culture of the country.

In the 2004 presidential campaign, Yanukovych and his supporters stooped to new lows by spreading lies and disinformation about Yushchenko, including accusing him of being a Nazi.

They even went as far as to plaster billboards of Yushchenko in a Nazi uniform across Donetsk, calling for the “purity of the nation”.

This desperate tactic was meant to denigrate Yushchenko and the Ukrainian language and culture he fought to protect, revealing Yanukovych’s blatant willingness to resort to any means necessary to try and attain power.

The “Ukrainian Nazis” narrative was further entrenched in Russia by nationalist propagandists spreading conspiracy theories about how the Orange Revolution was led by the Ukrainian far-right and the Ukrainian-American diaspora and orchestrated by the CIA.

The smear campaign popularised the term “fascist Ukraine”. Eventually, Putin used the Nazi narrative to justify his decision to invade the country in 2022.

A thorn in Moscow’s side

When Yushchenko took office in early 2005, expectations for his presidency were sky-high.

Yet, the Kremlin could hardly stand to watch a pro-Western president who had faced off and won against Russia’s preferred nominee take Ukraine down a more progressive path.

Shortly before the election, he was poisoned by what was proven to have been dioxin and nearly died. To this day, he blames Moscow for the attempt on his life.

The poisoning nearly killed him and left him severely disfigured as his face was permanently pockmarked by chloracne, earning him the nickname “man of sorrows” among ordinary Ukrainians.

When people saw Yushchenko speak, they saw a man harmed by a corrupt regime everyone hated, which made popular support for him grow even stronger.

And as the leader of the Orange Revolution, Yushchenko found himself at the forefront of the most pivotal moment in Ukraine’s history since its independence in 1991.

The Ukrainian people were faced with a crucial decision: to embrace self-governed democracy or succumb to the increasingly authoritarian rule of Russia.

The Orange Revolution served as a defining moment for Ukraine, a chance to determine its destiny and chart a course toward a brighter future.

Under Yushchenko’s presidency, Ukraine’s fledgling democracy began to thrive, with greater freedom of the press and higher standards for fair elections.

The Ukrainian people, eager to embrace their European identity, saw their national self closely tied to the ideals of democracy.

Yushchenko was instrumental in guiding Ukraine towards its European roots and away from Russian influence, fostering a stronger and more vibrant democracy.

Breaking free from the oppressive past

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many Ukrainians struggled to reclaim their national identity, which had been brutally suppressed by tragedies like the Holodomor, a famine in the 1930s orchestrated by Joseph Stalin to crush Ukraine’s desire for independence.

Forced to conform to a Soviet identity, Ukrainians were left with a legacy that continued to shape their politics even after achieving independence in 1991.

The struggle to reclaim their identity and break free from the oppressive past has been a defining feature of Ukraine’s modern state.

For centuries, Ukrainian was viewed as a lesser language under the Russian and Soviet empires, often seen as the language of peasants, and many Ukrainians avoided speaking it.

With Yushchenko’s presidency, people began to embrace and celebrate their Ukrainian heritage, and the language became more widely used and respected.

Yushchenko believed strongly in preserving and promoting Ukraine’s national identity, and his efforts contributed significantly to the growth of Ukrainian national consciousness.

One of Yushchenko’s most extraordinary acts was his efforts to help the Ukrainian people collectively face old traumas. He made the Holodomor a national issue.

Yushchenko played a crucial role in bringing attention to this tragic event and advocating for its recognition as a genocide.

Through his efforts, the Ukrainian people could come to terms with their painful history and remember the lessons of the past to build a stronger and more united future.

With Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine, many countries worldwide are learning about Holodomor for the first time, while countries like Germany have also recognised it as a genocide of the Ukrainian people.

Yet it was Yushchenko who relentlessly tried to educate his people and the world about Russia’s efforts to destroy the Ukrainian nation during his time as president.

Moscow strikes back through Yanukovych

When Russia invaded Georgia in 2008, Yushchenko rushed to Tbilisi to show support for Georgia and to warn the world that Ukraine was also in danger.

Recognising the threat to his country, Yushchenko fervently pushed for Ukraine to join NATO.

In a chilling statement at the 2008 NATO summit, Putin ominously told his US counterpart George W Bush, “You have to understand, George, that Ukraine is not even a country.”

Former US President Bill Clinton stated that he knew back in 2011 that Putin would attack Ukraine at some point because Putin stated that he was not bound by the Budapest Memorandum guaranteeing the country’s territorial integrity.

Under Yanukovych — the pro-Kremlin candidate who won the 2010 presidential election in Ukraine — efforts to rejuvenate the country’s identity and address its historical trauma came to a forceful standstill.

In a move highly symbolic of what was to come, Yanukovych’s first act in office was to delete the link about the Holodomor on the president’s official website.

Plagued by accusations of corruption, a life of excess, and close ties to Moscow, Yanukovych’s last act was to respond to the massive Euromaidan protests in late 2013 — sparked by Russia’s economic blackmail designed to prevent Ukraine from signing the EU Association Agreement — by implementing the draconian Anti-Protest Laws.

This allowed his special police forces, the Berkut, to go on a campaign of violence and torture against the protesters. More than 100 of those gathering were killed, some by police snipers, while up to 300 are still considered to be missing.

In the end, as his attempts to quell the discontent failed, Yanukovych fled from Ukraine — to Russia.

At the same time, Putin showed the sincerity of his convictions by responding to the Euromaidan demonstrations by invading Crimea and supporting the para-states in the Donbas.

Still, the war came home

Fast forward to present-day Russia. On 24 June, a mutiny unfolded in Russia as the notorious mercenary force, the Wagner Group, rebelled against state authorities.

They swiftly took control of Rostov-on-Don, a critical city for Russia’s invasion, and embarked on a daring march towards Moscow.

This surprising act of betrayal posed a significant threat not only to the Russian state but also to Putin’s own power.

Remarkably, the roots of this event can be traced back to Ukraine, where the disagreement originated as part of Wagner’s dispute with the Ministry of Defence on how to kill Ukrainians more effectively.

Since the Orange Revolution, Putin has been haunted by the prospect of Ukraine slipping out of Russia’s tyrannical grasp.

He has also feared that successful pro-democracy movements in Ukraine would serve as a catalyst for similar uprisings in Moscow, ultimately leading to his downfall.

Paradoxically, Putin’s own actions, driven by the desire to control Ukraine, have inadvertently sparked an insurrectionary movement that now poses a direct threat to his rule.

Ukraine’s brighter, more democratic future fuels Putin’s anxieties

This ironic twist made Putin’s anxieties come to life.

It all began with Yushchenko and the Orange Revolution, and it will ultimately be what brings Putin down in the end.

Through Yushchenko’s presidency, Ukraine made significant strides toward consolidating its national identity and reclaiming its history and traditions.

By acknowledging and remembering past horrors such as the Holodomor, Ukraine could confront its past trauma and use it to pave the way for a brighter, more democratic future.

David Kirichenko is a freelance journalist covering Eastern Europe and an editor at Euromaidan Press.

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Tag: Ukraine politics