What would actually happen if Ukraine joined the EU?

By any stretch of the imagination, Ukraine probably isn’t joining the EU any time soon.

Plagued by deep structural issues – not to mention Russia’s grinding invasion – it could take many years for the country to get ready – no matter where its heart lies.

Still, Ukrainian accession is a hot topic, with debates raging among analysts and policymakers about what it would mean in practice if the embattled nation entered the fold.

‘The centre of gravity would shift to the east’

Home to some 40 million people, Ukraine would become the union’s fifth-biggest member and largest by land mass, if it joined.

This would raise significant geopolitical implications, paving the way for a new Warsaw-Kyiv axis that could rival the traditional Paris-Berlin one, according to Professor Michael Keating at Aberdeen University in Scotland.

With the “old Franco-German motor not what it used to be… we could certainly see a large shift in the balance of power within the EU,” he told Euronews, though Ukraine itself would not be “very powerful”.

Enlargement could further strain the unity and cohesion of the 27-member state club. 

“The bigger the European Union gets, the more difficult it becomes to make decisions and engage in collective action,” said Keating. 

Already there are major tussles within the EU between western and southern states, eastern and northern, over the nature of the bloc and its objectives.

Relatively new members Hungary and Poland – who both joined in 2004 – have been a particular thorn in the side of Brussels, which has sanctioned them for undermining the rule of law and democracy. 

Money also matters. 

Even before the war ground its economy to dust, Ukraine was one of the poorest countries in Europe.

It had a GDP per capita of $4,800 (€4451) in 2021 – more than ten times less than advanced European economies such as the UK, France and Germany.

According to Jolyon Howorth, a professor of European politics, integrating such a battered and bruised country would cost a “horrendous amount”.

It could invariably strain EU finances, possibly diverting funds away from poorer member states, such as Poland, Greece, Hungary and Romania, all net beneficiaries in 2022.

Yet this has happened before. 

Despite “a bit of grumbling” from those who lost out, Keating says EU funding has historically changed, shifting east and southwards as the EU enlarged in 2004 and 2007.

“That’s part of the normal process of adjustment,” he told Euronews. “They’re losing funding because they’re developing. That’s not much of a problem.”

“It’s a bit difficult to complain about getting richer.” 

‘Polish plumber tropes’

In the long run, Ukraine could stand to reap economic gains, especially through attracting foreign investment, if admitted into the EU – the richest trading bloc on the planet.

Plus the need to meet EU eligibility criteria may incentivise the country to tackle deep-seated structural issues, such as corruption, an endemic evil in Ukraine. 

But Keating issued a warning.

Across many states, EU membership has increased regional disparities, he suggested. 

Those living in the area around the Lithuanian capital Vilnius, for example, have a GDP per capita nearly three times higher than in the country’s poorest region. 

This is possible in Ukraine, according to Keating. With investment concentrated around Kyiv, he said regions in the east – where “political tensions are the highest” – could grow even more “economically marginalised”.

“That could be a problem,” he said. “Policies [would need to be] in place to make sure there wasn’t too much division in the country when it came to economics and wealth.”

In the more immediate term, Holyworth says it is “almost inevitable” there would be migratory flows out of Ukraine.

Any mass influx of Ukrainian workers runs the risk of creating a possible political backlash in existing member states – irrespective of their economic contribution.

Experiencing a boom at the time, the UK was one of the only major economies not to limit the number of eastern European workers, with immigration later becoming a hugely contentious issue within the Brexit vote.

This is despite the positive economic impact of European immigrants on the country. 

But Keating claimed: “That’s already happened. Poland was filled with Ukrainians, even before the war.”

“Labour markets in western countries need these workers,” he continued, though recognised “economics and politics don’t always align”.

‘What are the limits of Europe?’

Writing in the New Statesman, a British political magazine, essayist Jeremy Cliffe claimed leaving Ukraine out in the cold would be a dangerous thing, possibly inviting new conflicts.

“Imagine a Ukraine worn down structurally and industrially by years of war; it’s economy sclerotic and investment sparse; a slow-motion failed state; its voters and leaders resentful of an EU that failed to stand by its promises.”

“Compared with this scenario, the challenges of rapid EU enlargement do not look quite so insurmountable,” he added.

Russia’s invasion has turbo-charged support for EU membership amongst Ukrainians. 

Ninety-two per cent want to join the club by 2030, according to a poll by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology. Before the conflict, only 67% said they would vote yes in a membership referendum. 

Debates around Ukraine’s EU membership ultimately raise profound existential questions about the bloc itself.

“Enlargements constantly call into question the reason why we’re doing it,” said Holywoth. “What is the purpose of further expansion? Are we doing it for its own sake? Can you keep on enlarging more or less indefinitely?”

“If you take that logic that the European Union can just keep extending itself, ever further forward, then it rapidly gets out of hand.”

Again he pointed to “ unresolved divisions” among member states about what the union really is, saying it was journeying to the unknown, without a clear purpose.

“We’ve never defined our destination. We’ve simply said that’s where we’re heading. And I think with the potential membership of Ukraine, we need to have a much clearer answer to that question: What’s the point of all this?”

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View Q&A: Georgians will keep defending their freedoms, says EU expert


The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

Massive protests broke out in the streets of Georgia’s capital, Tbilisi, on 7 March as the parliament prepared to pass a bill that would require non-governmental organisations, news outlets and other entities that receive 20% of their funding from outside the country to be registered as “foreign agents”.

Immediately compared to the Russian and Hungarian laws on foreign agents, the draft law is in direct opposition to a 12-point EU conditionality plan that Georgia would need to fulfil in order to be granted candidacy status. 

Thousands took to the streets and continued to protest even after the draft bill was suspended from further parliamentary approval.

Euronews spoke to Vano Chkhikvadze from the Open Society Foundation in Georgia — an NGO that would be directly affected by the law — who also manages their European Integration program.

Euronews View: Could you provide us with a bit of background in terms of how this came about? Especially in a country where EU integration is still very popular, and this evidently goes against it?

Vano Chkhikvadze: Well, I think this is a clear sign that there’s a big split between the society and the authorities. On the one hand, authorities in Georgia try to demonstrate that they are pro-European.

They’re the ones who submitted the application for EU membership, but at the same time, they initiated this draft law and passed it in the first hearing. This pushed people to go out in the streets for three days.

On Thursday morning, the ruling Georgian Dream coalition representatives said they would suspend the law, and they will likely come back to it after they believe things have calmed down.

Euronews View: There are not that many countries where protests get so big so fast and where they end up being effective in procuring change in the parliament. Why do you think people were so angry?

Vano Chkhikvadze: The support for EU integration is very high in Georgia. At times, it has gone up to 80%. In fact, it’s never gone below 65% in the history of the country. 

People understood immediately that the law would derail Georgia’s membership process.

People see this as a Russian law, or a law that brings Georgia within the Russian sphere of interest and people have been fighting against that.

People do not believe that Georgian Dream will fully withdraw the law and, in fact, according to parliamentary procedure, this actually means that the same 78 members of parliament now have to organise a second hearing, and at that second hearing, they have to vote against the law. 

Let’s see how that goes.

Euronews View: What is the security situation in the country like, keeping in mind that 20% of Georgia has been under Russian occupation since 2008?

Vano Chkhikvadze: The occupation of the country is ongoing, and the human rights situation there continues to be drastic.

There are regular cases where people living on the other side of the occupation line accidentally cross the border and are arrested. 

There are Russian military bases located there, so this is pretty worrisome and makes the security situation pretty volatile.

Euronews View: What are the security guarantees from Western allies?

Vano Chkhikvadze: Georgia is a very close partner of NATO, and we strive to be members of it. 

The West has woken up after what’s happened in Ukraine. It’s not the situation it was back in 2008. 

I think they finally understand that it is [Russian president Vladimir] Putin’s Russia who wants to take control of the former Soviet States.

I think that these kinds of wake-up calls help us believe that if something happens, our Western partners would not be hesitant to support us. 

There are no firm security guarantees, but a general awareness in the West of what is going on here is appreciated by Georgian society.

Euronews View: What is the position of Georgian Dream when it comes to the security issues the country faces?

Vano Chkhikvadze: Georgian Dream’s approach is to demonise all other political parties and the civil society.

They try to claim that if it weren’t for Georgian Dream, there would be an active war in the country. 

And they try to promote this belief through the news outlets and TV channels controlled by them. They don’t have much else to sell to society.

The economic situation is pretty worrisome. The number of people leaving the country is quite drastic.

Thousands of people are trying to move to EU member states. Hundreds, if not thousands, are trying to get to the US as illegal migrants crossing the US-Mexico border. 

So Georgian Dream does not actually have much to offer. The only thing it can do is position itself as the only security guarantee that can maintain peace in Georgia.

Euronews View: But the major security risk to Georgia comes from Russia? How do they reason with passing Kremlin-inspired laws in order to keep the country safe from a Russian war?

Vano Chkhikvadze: We can’t really find the logic there. I think this was an attempt at demonising all their opponents, and the only thing they are thinking about — I would like to underline this — is how to maintain power in the 2024 elections. 

They don’t really care about other things. It’s priority number one.

Euronews View: Would you compare the protests and the reactions to the Maidan or Euromaidan moment in Ukraine? The scale of the protests and the EU theme seem pretty similar.

Vano Chkhikvadze: There might be some similarities. I know what the situation is here in Georgia. Basically, we are fighting for EU membership. We are fighting against anyone and anything that does not help us get there.

Euronews View: What are the political alternatives that exist in Georgia?

Vano Chkhikvadze: Not many, and it was very catchy what the leader of the biggest position party Levan Khabeishvili said on Wednesday.

He said that the people protesting on the streets don’t care about politics. 

They don’t care about political parties. What they care about is their country. 

So while there is not much of an alternative here, unfortunately, because the opposition parties are fairly weak, this does not lead to people giving up and accepting what is happening now. 

So while opposition parties are not really capable of resisting Georgian Dream, the people definitely think they can do it.

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