How will women vote in Poland’s next election?

The vote of women in the incoming parliamentary election in Poland could be crucial in determining whether the PiS will hold on to power – or would be punished for restricting access to abortion in the country, experts say.

As a crucial parliamentary election which could weaken the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party’s hold on to power quickly approaches in Poland, experts are wondering what role women will have in determining the future of the country.

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Less than a month ahead of the 15 October election, the PiS – which has been in power since 2019 – could take home a victory but fail to reach an overall majority.

This opens the possibility of a potential coalition between the PiS and the ascending far-right party Confederation Freedom and Independence (Konfederacja Wolsność i Niepodległość), currently the third party in the country; or another coalition led by the current opposition, Donald Tusk’s Civic Coalition party (Koalicja Obywatelska), currently the second party in the polls.

Women, who have suffered a crackdown on abortion rights sponsored by the PiS with the backing of the local Catholic church about three years ago, might prove a wild card in the incoming election – either supporting the ruling party or turning against it.

According to Simona Guerra, a professor in Comparative Politics at the University of Surrey and an expert on Polish politics, the PiS’ policies after 2019 have taken “a more radical, illiberal and anti-European stance on most social, cultural, and economic issues – and also and above all, on the rights of women and minorities.”

Since the Polish government banned most abortions in the country, “women have died,” Guerra told Euronews. “This election would be important for women, because while there are those who can afford to have abortions abroad, there are those who cannot.”

According to Anita Prazmowska, a professor at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and an expert in Polish politics and history, women in Poland are being treated like “animals” and being reduced to only one purpose, “to give birth.” Despite the Polish government’s efforts to promote pregnancy and reduce access to abortion, the country’s birth rate is still one of the lowest in Europe.

“So what is happening? The answer is illegal abortions,” Prazmowska told Euronews. “Educated, wealthy women can go to the Czech Republic and Western Europe to have an abortion, but women in the rural villages don’t have that option.”

A turn of the screw on abortion access

In 2021, the Polish government imposed a near-total ban on abortion which only allowed the procedure in case the pregnancy threatens the pregnant person’s life or health or it’s the result of rape or incest. of But Prazmowska said that things are worse than the strict law would suggest.

“Though, in principle, abortion is legal in cases of rape, incest and foetal abnormality, as well as in proven cases of threat to women’s health, no hospitals are willing to perform illegal abortions,” Prazmowska said, “because hospitals are dominated by local political groups and fearful of accusations by the church.”

There were two cases in the past two years where women were refused treatment in hospital despite carrying a dead foetus inside them and died of septicemia – blood poisoning by bacteria.

A lack of alternatives

While the Polish government’s crackdown on abortion has sparked huge, nation-wide protests across the country in 2020, “that energy has dissipated,” Prazmowska said.

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Educated and working women in Poland’s capital and big cities will certainly think so, she added, “but that’s not enough. Normally, the women’s vote is very conservative, very church-bound. In Poland, the Church controls the villages and the rural areas of the country very, very successfully.”

Prazmowska said that “women’s circumstances in Poland are unbelievable, adding that she wouldn’t know what to compare them with. “Will women see themselves as a group that can actually vote and make their voice matter?,” she asked.

Women who might be unhappy with the way they’ve been treated by the government lack alternative parties who push forward political agendas which actively protect their rights, according to the expert.

“The past rage [over a crackdown on abortion access] has not taken the form of parties creating different programmes fighting this, because everybody talking about abortion, contraception is faced with such a violent reaction in Poland,” she continued.

“State television is now mainly controlled by the ruling party, while independent news media are mostly online,” she added. “On state television, the formal discussion is so violent, so hostile towards women that nobody dares put their head over the parapet,” she continued.

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“It would take a very brave person. There have been, but they have not managed to build a platform.

More female candidates for Tusk

Tusk’s Civic Coalition party has been trying to mobilise the female electorate, with a record 44% of women candidates in the incoming election. The party has plans to send buses of its women candidates around Poland to promote themselves and invite women to vote for their agenda defending women’s rights.

Part of the party’s agenda is overturning the current near-total ban on abortion and legalising the procedure up to 12 weeks of pregnancy. Earlier this year, Tusk declared that women’s rights are the country’s “number one” issue.

But the former European Council head has been criticised by feminists in the country for using the issue to promote his party, having done little to promote and defend women’s rights while he was in office as prime minister between 2007 and 2014.

Family, church, and politics

There’s also an issue of reaching women in rural areas, Prazmowska said, where women have historically supported the most conservative parties.

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According to Prazmowska, outside of Poland’s big cities where women can be independent, “women are still very economically dependent on society as a whole, their families, and their husbands.”

Under these circumstances, women traditionally vote conservative, seduced by a political rhetoric that promises to prioritise families, defend women, and take care of their children – even if what they’re doing is solidifying their dependent role in the traditional patriarchal family.

“It is the older women who vote, not the young women,” said Prazmowska, explaining that the process of secularisation ongoing in Poland has not yet reached the majority of the electorate.

“Older women will likely still vote the same party, the PiS, if they’re going to vote at all,” she said, admitting she’s pessimistic about any political change being driven by the women’s vote, though she’d wish for it.

“This government is just giving women money to sit at home and have children. It destroys any economic incentive to acquire skills and find a good job. Women who don’t want to do that are leaving for Western Europe – Italy, Greece, Germany. So, who’s left to change the situation in Poland?”

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‘Three Seas’ countries are looking to harness next-gen nuclear energy

By Nathan Alan-Lee, Doctoral researcher, UCL School of Slavonic and East European Studies

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

Small modular nuclear reactors and their many potential applications have come to reflect the vital role that innovation and technology can have at the nexus of energy security and decarbonisation, Nathan Alan-Lee writes.

Less than two years after the crisis in Ukraine caused massive disruption to the global energy system, Europe continues to feel the fallout of the subsequent energy crisis and is scrambling to replace a historic dependence on Russian fossil fuels.

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Yet, even as the crisis continues to bring instability and insecurity, lasting solutions – which have the potential to not only address immediate challenges but also provide a long-term basis for sustainable energy — are fast emerging.

This year’s Three Seas Initiative (3SI) Summit, held on 6 September in Bucharest, has served as a landmark moment in the development of such vital solutions. 

Broadly speaking, 3SI is tasked with further developing and integrating infrastructure within the bloc of countries between the Baltic, Black and Adriatic seas. 

Recently, the work of 3SI has been critical in addressing energy security concerns in the region and forging new avenues for collaboration.

What exactly is a small modular reactor?

This year’s summit emphasised the key role which next-generation nuclear power will play in the region’s energy transition, and at the same time, proposed a roadmap for wide-scale access and adoption. 

One technology which was particularly celebrated was the small modular reactor (SMR), a forward-looking innovation which has been drawing attention as an option in reducing carbon emissions and powering the energy transition.

What makes an SMR different from other reactors?

Unlike traditional nuclear reactors, SMRs are able to be deployed more dynamically, with less cost and time investment. As their name “SMR” would suggest, they are much smaller than traditional reactors and can be more flexible in deployment. 

These reactors are also “modular,” with components being factory assembled and ready for installation on site. 

Overall, the function of SMRs in the power grid differs from that of traditional reactors, as they produce far less than standard nuclear reactors. However, this only creates new use cases for nuclear energy and offers new routes for achieving energy security.

Reducing carbon dependence a big plus

The technology’s sweeping potential was a point of focus during the Three Seas Summit, especially as it relates to coal-to-SMR conversion. The US-led Project Phoenix, which looks to facilitate this conversion, announced that Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia “will receive support for coal-to-SMR feasibility studies.” 

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This will aid domestic SMR initiatives, providing valuable guidance and support to master SMR technology. This program will be a good way to kickstart and boost the adoption of nuclear energy with the goal of sustainability and reduced carbon dependence.

On the global stage, SMRs and by extension nuclear, are also becoming intriguing for complementing other zero-carbon energy sources. 

One use case which has been garnering attention in the past year is the electrolytic and potentially thermochemical production of “green” hydrogen. 

The electrical and thermal outputs of nuclear power can substitute emitting fuels in this production process, and SMR companies like the UK’s Rolls-Royce and NuScale in the US are already considering ways to integrate their reactors in electrolytic Hydrogen production. 

In a similar way nuclear heat emissions are being explored as a means of producing ammonia which acts as a transport medium of hydrogen. 

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Nuclear energy’s capacity to integrate with other zero-carbon energy systems is gaining wide traction. 

At the upcoming ADIPEC conference, one of the most influential in global energy strategy, nuclear integration will be highlighted alongside the growing role of Hydrogen and Ammonia.

The promise does come with challenges

Despite the promise of SMRs, there are key challenges to successful deployment in the 3SI bloc countries, most of which relate to the cost and the ultimate return on investment calculation. 

The estimated price of electricity produced by the NuScale SMR, for example, increased this year to $89/MWh (€83.5), up from $58/MWh (€54.5); this reflects price inflation in the cost of producing reactor components. 

This price variability, and the fact that SMRs have yet to be proven in operation, have raised concerns about their overall viability.

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In response to this, 3SI countries have looked to foreign investment. 

Earlier this year, the US Export-Import Bank and US International Development Finance Corporation, issued “letters of interest” to invest up to $4 billion (€3.75bn) in Poland’s SMR development projects. Similar letters have also been offered for Romanian SMR development. 

This funding would be a massive boost for SMR and nuclear development in the region, while at the same time strengthening transatlantic ties and cooperation.

Crucial years ahead

The run-up to 2030 will be a crucial period, for both the decarbonisation effort and also for nuclear energy as the first SMRs look to begin operations in Europe. 

The 3SI countries are positioned to be a lynchpin in this process, operating at the cutting edge of nuclear development, while looking to guarantee the region’s energy security for years to come. 

SMRs and their many potential applications have come to reflect the vital role that innovation and technology can have at the nexus of energy security and decarbonisation.

Nathan Alan-Lee is a doctoral researcher at the UCL School of Slavonic and East European Studies and a senior analyst at London Politica covering Poland and Central and Eastern Europe.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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Poland stops sending arms as Ukraine strikes Crimea air base

All the latest developments from the war in Ukraine.

Ukraine hits Crimea air base

The Ukrainian army claimed on Thursday to have struck a Russian military airfield near the Crimean town of Saky, in yet another attack by Kyiv on this Ukrainian peninsula annexed by Moscow and used as a base for its invasion of Ukraine.

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“Ukrainian defence forces carried out a combined strike against a military airfield of the occupiers near the town of Saky” on Wednesday night, the army’s communications centre said on Telegram, without giving further details.

A source in the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) said it was a joint operation by the SBU and naval forces using drones and Ukrainian-made Neptune cruise missiles.

The strike comes just a day after Crimea’s Russian-installed authorities announced that they had foiled Ukrainian missile and drone strikes targeting Sevastopol and the area around its major port, a crucial facility for the Russian navy.

According to Sevastopol governor Mikhail Razvojaev, Ukrainian forces had targeted the city with missiles and two neighbouring towns, Kacha and Verkhnessadovoye, with drones.

On September 13, a strike damaged two ships and injured 24 people at a shipyard in Sevastopol. In August, a particularly massive attack involving 42 drones targeted the peninsula, following a commando operation by Ukrainian forces.

The Ukrainian army has also repeatedly targeted Russian ships sailing in the Black Sea or docked in Crimea and in Russian ports along the coast.

Tough times loom for Ukraine, cautions Kyiv

Ukrainian officials have warned the country faces “difficult months ahead”. 

“Difficult months await us: Russia will continue to attack Ukrainian energy and essential installations,” said the deputy head of the presidential administration Oleksiy Kuleba on Telegram. 

With winter coming, Ukrainian authorities fear Moscow will relaunch its campaign of strikes aimed at plunging the civilian population into the cold and dark, as it did last winter. 

Russian missiles rain down on Ukrainian cities

Several cities and towns in Ukraine were hit by Russian rockets overnight from Wednesday to Thursday, killing two in Kherson and injuring others in Kyiv. 

Residential areas in the southern city of Kherson were reportedly bombed, with two men aged 29 and 41 killed in a strike on an apartment building. Four others were hospitalised, including one in a serious condition. 

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Seven people in the capital Kyiv were injured by falling debris from downed Russian missiles, including a 9-year-old girl, according to Mayor Vitali Klitschko.

Several people were also injured in the town of Cherkasy, after a hotel was hit in a Russian attack. 

The eastern city of Kharkiv, near the Russian border, was also bombed, along with the northwestern Lviv region. 

Though Moscow denies attacking Ukrainian civilians, experts told Euronews in June there was a deliberate strategy behind its bombing campaign. 

Poland to stop supplying weapons to Ukraine

Warsaw announced Wednesday evening it would no longer send arms to Kyiv, amid a growing rift between the two countries over grain. 

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“We are no longer transferring any weapons to Ukraine,” said Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki on television. 

“We are mainly focusing on modernising and rapidly arming the Polish army, so that it becomes one of the most powerful land armies in Europe,” he said. 

Morawiecki specified that a military hub in Rzeszow, through which Western equipment destined for Ukraine passes, was still operating normally.

The PM did not detail when Poland, one of the largest arms suppliers to Ukraine, would cut off supplies or if the move was linked to their spat about grain. 

With elections looming at home, Warsaw has imposed a ban on Ukrainian grain to protect its own farmers, who have complained they cannot compete with its cheaper imports. 

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Speaking at the UN on Tuesday,  Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy made a barbed comment about Poland’s move, saying “certain countries” were “feigning solidarity” with Kyiv “by indirectly supporting Russia”.

This, in turn, drew a sharp response from the Polish Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs who said it was “false” and “unjustified considering Poland has supported Ukraine since the first days of the war”.

Zelenskyy in Washington to ensure continued US support

Aware that some in the US are becoming weary of providing support, Ukraine’s number one will visit the White House on Thursday.

Zelenskyy is likely to want five things from Washington, his richest and most powerful ally, as his country’s counteroffensive continues.

Read more below. 

Zelenskyy rails against ‘criminal’ Russia at UN

Ukraine’s leader challenged Russia during an exceptional session of the UN Security Council on Wednesday, denouncing Moscow’s “aggression”. 

He also lamented at how Russia was “blocking” the UN body with its veto power. 

“Most countries in the world recognise the truth about this war,” said Zelenskyy, facing Russia’s UN Ambassador Vasily Nebenzia.

“This is a criminal and unjustified aggression by Russia against our nation, which aims to seize the territory and resources of Ukraine,” he said, dressed in his usual khaki green fatigues.

He urged the UN to rescind Russia’s veto power at the Security Council, which it enjoys as one of the five permanent members, along with China, France, the UK and US. 

“The right of veto in the hands of the aggressor blocks the UN,” he said, claiming it “impossible to stop” the war because of Russia’s veto and its support from other countries in the UN. 

Differing attitudes towards the Ukraine war prevail in the Global South, with many states abstaining from UN resolutions condemning Moscow and instead calling for peace talks. 

Wednesday’s address was the first time since Russia launched its invasion in February 2022 that Zelenskyy spoke in person at the UN Security Council.

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Poland turns toward bets on offshore wind

The development of offshore wind farms in Poland has never before taken place on such a large scale. The PGE Group is the biggest investor in offshore wind farms in the Polish part of the Baltic Sea in terms of wind turbine capacity. As part of its offshore program, the PGE Group is currently implementing three offshore wind farm projects.

Two of them are the offshore wind power plants Baltica 2 and Baltica 3, which comprise the Baltica Offshore Wind Farm with a total capacity of 2.5GW. PGE is implementing this project together with the Danish partner Ørsted. Both phases of the Baltica offshore wind farm have location decisions, environmental decisions, and grid connection agreements with the operator, and have been granted the right to a Contract for Difference (CfD).

As part of its offshore program, the PGE Group is currently implementing three offshore wind farm projects.

Last April, PGE and Ørsted took a major step in the Baltica 2 project. They signed the first of the contracts for the supply of wind turbines. Subsequently, they also signed a contract for the supply of offshore substations in June. Baltica 2 is expected to start producing green energy in 2027, while the entire Baltica Offshore Wind Farm will be completed within this decade.

Independently of the Baltica Offshore Wind Farm, the PGE Group is developing a third project, Baltica 1. Commissioning is scheduled after 2030 and its capacity will be approximately 0.9GW. The project already has a location permit and a connection agreement. In May 2022, wind measurement studies for this project started, followed by environmental studies in autumn 2022. The energy produced by all three farms will supply nearly 5.5 million households in Poland.  This means that more than a third of all Polish households will be provided with energy from wind power.

Baltica 2 is expected to start producing green energy in 2027, while the entire Baltica Offshore Wind Farm will be completed within this decade.

At the same time, the PGE Group has received final decisions on new permits for the construction of artificial islands for five new areas to be developed in the Baltic Sea, which will enable the construction of further offshore wind power plants in the future. The total capacity potential from the new areas provides PGE with more than 3.9GW. Considering the projects currently under development (Baltica 2, Baltica 3 and Baltica 1) with a total capacity of approximately 3.4GW, PGE Capital Group’s offshore wind portfolio may increase to over 7.3GW by 2040.

Offshore wind — a new chapter for the Polish economy

A long-term vision for the development of the Polish offshore wind sector, based on the carefully assessed potential of this technology, will support the development of the energy sector in Poland. The benefits of offshore wind development in Poland should be considered in several aspects — first and foremost, due to their total capacity, offshore wind farms will become a very important new source of clean, green energy for Poland in just a few years.

“Offshore wind energy will make a significant contribution to Poland’s energy mix. The three projects currently under construction by the PGE Group, with a total capacity of almost 3.5GW, will generate electricity for almost 5.5 million households. All the investments planned for the Baltic Sea are crucial for strengthening Poland’s energy security. Regarding the Polish economy, in particular the economy of the entire Pomerania region, the construction of offshore wind farms will provide a strong development stimulus. This is not only about businesses closely related to wind energy, such as companies supplying components for offshore wind power plants. Jobs will also be created by businesses willing to join the development of this new sector and take advantage of the opportunities it brings,” said Wojciech Dąbrowski, president of the management board of PGE Polska Grupa Energetyczna S.A.

All the investments planned for the Baltic Sea are crucial for strengthening Poland’s energy security.

The construction of offshore wind farms will ensure Poland’s energy security

The development of offshore wind is also crucial to Poland’s energy security and independence. Thanks to the production of energy from renewable sources, there is no need to import fossil fuels from abroad or rely on dwindling domestic coal resources.

This means that Poland will not be dependent on external fuel suppliers or various international developments. The ability to generate electricity independently contributes to strengthening the country’s energy sovereignty.

Energy, environmental and social benefits

Poland has ambitions and capabilities to become one of the leaders in offshore wind energy development in the Baltic Sea and even in Europe. We have plenty of resources for the development of offshore wind farms because of our favorable geographical location and natural conditions — strong, stable winds and the relatively shallow considerable area of the Baltic Sea, located in the exclusive economic zone. The Baltic Sea has some of the best wind conditions not only in Europe but also in the world, which are comparable to those in the North Sea.

Offshore wind energy is a key element of sustainable development. For Poland, green wind energy means savings, security and energy independence at the same time. Electricity from renewable sources is less expensive than that generated from fossil fuels. By choosing green energy, consumers can save on their electricity bills while at the same time supporting the development of a green energy sector. As a zero-emission energy source, it contributes to achieving climate policy goals and minimizing negative environmental impact. It is a huge step towards reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The creation of an infrastructure for the construction of alternative energy sources with wind farms will ensure the diversification of energy sources.



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Poland said its army will soon be the strongest in Europe. Can it?

Through a series of major arms deals, Poland is set to establish military supremacy in continental Europe – though the high cost of this expansion is a source of concern for some experts.

If everything goes according to plan, Europe will soon have a new military superpower: Poland.

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The leaders of the country’s ruling party Law & Justice (PiS) have recently announced that the country is set to have the strongest army in Europe within the next two years, thanks to the major modernisation of its existing equipment and a massive reinforcement of its troops.

The military has been one of the most important topics of discussion in Poland since the beginning of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine last year, as the country prepares for the risk of the conflict at its border spilling into its territory.

“The Polish army must be so powerful that it does not have to fight due to its strength alone,” said Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki in November last year, as the country celebrated independence from the Soviet Union.

He promised that the country would have “the most powerful land forces in Europe.”

“We want peace, and if we want that we must prepare for war – in connection with that, we are strengthening the Polish Army in contrast to those who governed until 2015,” said Defence Minister Mariusz Błaszczak.

But is this major rearmament programme an objectively realistic goal – or simply a costly promise meant to boost support for PiS ahead of the country’s election later this year?

Poland’s plan for Europe’s strongest army explained

According to the Global Firepower’s 2023 Military Strength Ranking, the strongest militaries in Europe – after Russia – are currently the UK, France, and Italy. The UK’s position is mostly due to its manpower and airpower, while France can count on a strong helicopter fleet and several destroyer warships. Italy had 404 helicopters and two aircraft carriers as of January 2023. Poland was fifth in the ranking.

Poland has already set in motion the plan that will lead it to obtain Europe’s strongest army.

“Poland is in a state of transition, it made orders for hundreds of American, German, and South Korean vehicles, and it has expanded its defence spending to more than 3% of its GDP,” Frank Ledwidge, a barrister and former military officer who has served in the Balkans, Iraq, and Afghanistan, told Euronews.

Last year, the president of Poland – a country that has been a full member of NATO since 1999 – signed into law a bill that allowed the government to spend 3% of its GDP on defence from 2023 on – a full percentage point above what is expected of the alliance’s members.

By comparison, Germany has recently pledged to increase its defence spending to reach at least the 2% threshold set by NATO for its members. In 2021, according to the latest data made available by Eurostat, the EU countries that spent most of their GDP on defence were Greece (2.8%), Latvia (2.3%), Estonia (2.0%), Romania (1.9%), France, Cyprus, and Lithuania (1.8%).

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Newly NATO member Finland, which has one of the strongest armies in Europe, plans to spend €6 billion, or 2.3% of its GDP in defence, in 2024 – which is actually €116 million less than it expected to spend this year.

If Deputy Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński gets his way, military spending in Poland could be increased to 5% of the country’s GDP in the next decade, as he has suggested.

Poland has also announced a major purchase of modern equipment and a massive recruitment operation that will likely take place in the coming years.

The country wants to recruit about 150,000 troops in the next decade, which will bring its army from the current 128,000 active personnel and 36,000 territorial defence troops to 300,000 soldiers by 2035. With the new troops, the country will create six armoured divisions – whereas France and Germany only have two, and the UK has one alone.

It has also purchased over a thousand new tanks and 600 artillery pieces, mainly from South Korea and the US. These will bring the country’s firepower to be more than that of the UK, France, Germany, and Italy combined.

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In July, Poland received 33 new M1 Abrams tanks as part of a €4.5 billion ($4.9 billion) order of 250. The country is also waiting for most of the nearly 1,000 K2 Black Panther main battle tanks it has bought from South Korea, of which it has received the first 10. Some 180 K2 will be delivered to Poland by 2025 for €3.16 billion, while up to 820 of the tanks will be produced in Poland under the licence obtained by South Korea for the next 10 years.

In terms of artillery, Poland has spent €9.2 billion ($10 billion) to purchase 468 HIMARS rocket launchers of the same kind that helped Ukraine’s forces with its successes against the Russians last year.

Can Poland really achieve its ambitious goal?

With these orders in line, “there’s no doubt” that Poland can become Europe’s strongest army, said Ledwidge.

“Is it an electoral promise? Maybe, but they’re going to be left with an awful lot of egg on their face if they don’t go through with these orders, and I suspect massive contractual issues as well,” he said.

However, some concerns remain among experts and observers, especially over the costs of this military expansion.

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The expansion of the training of new troops and the recruitment pipeline will be a “challenge”, Ledwidge said, that will have a logistical and financial burden on the country. “But we should remember that Poland is getting richer, unlike countries like the UK, so they can probably afford the expenses.”

The issue of the gargantuan cost of this expansion of the Polish army has been raised by Polish military expert Robert Czulda, a Resident Fellow at the Casimir Pulaski Foundation, who in a recent article said that the country will have to face a “gun or butter” dilemma as it tries to secure long-term financing.

“It seems highly likely that such a large scale of planned orders is largely driven by a political populism, aimed at gaining popularity here and now, rather than to be a real, comprehensive, and well-thought-out plan for harmoniously strengthening the armed forces,” he wrote.

“Poland should ensure that these procurement programmes are sustainable and affordable in the long term. The country should avoid a risk of overspending, which now seems very high.”

Sławomir Sierakowski, founder of the Krytyka Polityczna movement and a senior fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations, warned that the impressive arm deals made by the Polish government “were made without government tenders, from a weak bargaining position, and without offset obligations from contractors.” 

How is this going to change the political equilibrium in Europe?

As the strongest army in Europe, Poland “will be more than capable of defending themselves and the Baltic states with what they’re going to get, assuming that the investment comes through,” Ledwidge said.

“The incentives to go through with this are both political and strategic. Poland needs to have a very strong army because it has become the bulwark of NATO,” he added.

This would likely put the country in a new position within Europe and NATO.

“It’s very probable that Poland then will become either the primary or secondary continental European power after France,” said Ledwidge.

“And that will mean that the UK will lose in due course its role as second commander of NATO, which would be a big blow for the country, but it’s deserved.”

The new position of Poland within NATO and Europe will push countries like the UK or France “to ask whether it’s worth even having their ground forces as a priority,” Ledwidge said, “or whether they should instead reverse to their natural speciality, which for the UK is being a naval power – something that’s being lost as we try to do all at once.”

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Diplomatic spat after Poland calls Ukraine ‘ungrateful’

The eastern flank of the European Union — particularly Poland — continues to play a crucial role in helping Ukraine fight against Russia’s invasion. A recent diplomatic squabble over grain imports, compounded by historical issues, puts the once stable footing at risk.

The ongoing invasion of Ukraine has placed a major strain on the entire continent — not least Poland, whose government has maintained a reputation as one of the most steadfast supporters of its neighbour’s defence efforts.

These strains, however, have created a dilemma. Should helping Ukraine come at the expense of a country’s domestic interests?

On Wednesday, Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki said that Poland remained committed to defending its domestic interest, despite the invasion.

“We will always defend Poland’s good name, its security, and the interest of no other country will ever prevail over the interest of the Republic of Poland,” Morawiecki said in a tweet.

The kerfuffle broke out after Marcin Przydacz, the head of Polish President Andrzej Duda’s international policy office, was asked about the issue of extending the import ban of Ukrainian grain to Poland and four other eastern EU member states beyond the 15 September deadline.

Przydacz said during an appearance on the TVP, Poland’s state media outlet, that “defending the interests of the Polish farmer” was of crucial importance for the country.

“Ukraine has really received a lot of support from Poland. I think it would be worth them starting to appreciate the role that Poland has played for Ukraine in recent months and years,” he continued.

Ire in Kyiv

Following the statement, Poland’s ambassador in Kyiv was summoned by the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and “during the meeting, it was emphasized that the statements about the alleged ingratitude of the Ukrainians for the assistance of the Republic of Poland do not reflect reality and as such are unacceptable,” the ministry said in a release.

The summoning of the Polish ambassador by Kyiv, a diplomatic reprimand which equates to a telling-off, was widely condemned by analysts in Warsaw. 

Radosław Fogiel, the head of the foreign affairs committee of the Polish Sejm, also criticized Ukraine.

“We will help Ukraine because it is in our interest, but at the same time we cannot allow a situation where Poland will be the one to bear an undue burden due to what is happening,” he said in a statement for Wirtualna Polska.

Recently, parties that express Ukraine-sceptic or even explicitly anti-Ukrainian views – such as the far-right Konfederacja – have been trying to garner support amongst those in Poland who would prefer to see their country shift away from spending on its neighbour.

Konfederacja recently organised protests that echoed some pro-Kremlin talking points, spurred by the anniversary of the killing and deportation of thousands ethnic Poles from Volhynia or Wołyń region by a radical faction of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B) during World War II.

Not to be outdone, Kremlin spokeswoman Maria Zakharova dipped her toes into the debate as well, commenting on a Telegram channel that Poland was acting “like a wolf talking to a sheep – you should start appreciating that I chose you for dinner out of the whole herd.”

Russia would likely be the first to benefit from a serious or prolonged deterioration in the relationship between the two.

It all boils down to cereal

Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia and Romania have all seen their domestic grain production and relative compatibility in the EU single market – which they belong to and Ukraine does not – suffer due to copious amounts of cheaper grain flooding the market.

The UN brokered a deal between Russia and Ukraine in July of 2022, the first since Moscow launched the full-scale invasion, which was facilitated by Turkey in Istanbul and provided an important injection to Ukraine’s war-torn economy.

Kyiv and Moscow signed two identical but separate documents at the request of Ukraine, which refused to be on a document signed by Russia.

Russia backed out of the UN grain deal several times, blocking Ukraine’s exports, only to reinstate it again for a month or two at a time.

Soon after, farmers in EU nations bordering Ukraine complained that the grain was making its way into EU markets and that their locally produced grain – which is subject to EU regulations, taxes and other mechanisms and thus automatically more expensive – was being cast aside.

As a result, these countries independently imposed a ban on importing Ukrainian grain in April.

Unilateral import bans risk violating the principle of a common EU market. The issue also highlights the disparate priorities between grain-producing and solely grain-consuming EU countries.

In response, the European Commission adopted an exceptional measure which replaced the national import bans with an EU-approved ban for the five. This measure recognised the import embargo on wheat, maize, rapeseed and sunflower seeds to the five member states, while allowing the transit of these goods – duty and quote free – to the rest of the EU and third countries.

The measure is due to expire on 15 September.

However, Poland has said it will not lift its individual ban if the EU chooses to not extend this measure.

“We will not open this border. If the European Commission does not extend the ban, we will do it ourselves,” PM Morawiecki said.

Robert Telus, the agricultural minister of Poland, argued that the import ban has actually improved transit to third countries.

“Our actions in defence of the interests of farmers from EU countries are not directed against anyone,” said Telus. “They are a call for reconsideration and for appropriate, much-needed decisions on the part of the European Commission.”

It they walk back the import ban, the ruling Law and Justice party in Poland would leave a campaign issue on the table that could easily be adopted by any of their opponents in the upcoming national elections in the country.

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Could Poland’s controversial LGBT-Free Zones finally be scrapped`?

LGBT-Free Zones established years ago in Poland remain valid in a legal system controlled by right-wing conservatives. The country’s human rights representative is determined to fight them one by one.

In 2019, a wave of Polish towns and cities passed resolutions declaring themselves “LGBT-Free Zones” that at one point encompassed one-third of the country.

Since then, activists and legal experts have fought to revoke or nullify these declarations, chipping away at the bloc of LGBT-Free Zones largely found in the southeastern part of the country.

Significant progress has been difficult, since Poland has been facing a rule-of-law crisis going back to at least 2017, when the right-wing Law and Justice, or PiS party began spreading its influence on key bodies such as the Constitutional Court.

The crisis in the judiciary runs so deep that the EU initiated Article 7 proceedings against Poland, which suspend certain rights for member states if they are deemed to persistently be in breach of the EU’s fundamental values.

The European Commission launched legal proceedings against Poland at the European Court of Justice (ECJ), in a case known as Commission v Poland, and the ECJ ordered Poland to suspend the laws that interfere with the independence of the judiciary.

Poland ignored these rulings.

Now the country’s Human Rights Ombudsman, Marcin Wiącek, has decided to tackle both the homophobic resolutions and the faltering legal system at the same time.

The Office of the Ombudsman, while formally an institution financed by the government, exists in many countries as an independent one-man state body with the mandate to launch inquiries into violations of human rights perpetrated by any institution or body in the country.

Even his election was marred by difficulty, with PiS blocking the opposition-backed candidate for 10 months.

‘Fighting the rainbow plague’

This week, Wiącek launched a complaint against one of the municipalities that have held onto their LGBT-Free Zone designation since 2017.

Tuszów Narodowy is a small settlement in the municipality of Rzeszów known to those outside of Poland as one of the main stops along the Ukrainian refugee route from the border to Warsaw.

Local authorities have refused to rescind the anti-LGBT legislation, with the mayor stating that this “would mean taking the side of the rainbow plague, which is the aforementioned diabolical ideology, and consenting to downgrading the morals of young generations, starting from kindergarten.”

So Wiącek decided to sue them in the administrative courts.

His complaint indicates that the anti-LGBT resolution “crosses the boundaries of public debate, violates the Constitution, international law and EU law” as well as creating “stigmatisation and an atmosphere of exclusion for the LGBT community.”

“Legal and ideological issues concerning LGBT people are the subject of public debate in Poland. Participants in this debate may be local communities, as well as bodies of local government units,” said Wiącek in a statement.

“However, this debate cannot be conducted in forms inconsistent with modern standards of human rights protection, in particular resulting in violation of human dignity and discrimination.”

Crucially, he is also getting the EU involved in what may seem like a very local fight.

In order for countries in the bloc to receive EU funds, they have to guarantee that these funds do not encourage or promote discrimination – as in, the EU needs to keep a check on whether those benefitting act in a discriminatory or exclusionary manner.

So while the country’s Ministry of Development Funds and Regional Policy have said that they are “taking actions to verify the compliance of the spending of EU funds by local government units with the horizontal principle of equal treatment and non-discrimination,” there has not been any move by the ministry to get these resolutions rescinded.

Wiącek insists that the issue of LGBT-Free Zones is not merely a matter of “public opinion,” but a mounting legal problem for Poland.

“The wording contained in these resolutions leads to stigmatisation and creates an atmosphere of exclusion of LGBT people from local communities … even humiliation … and also has real legal effects, especially in the area of the possibility of absorbing EU funds,” the statement continued.

‘The world is possessed by Satan’

Tuszów Narodowy is not backing down without a fight.

Last month the mayor, Andrzej Głaz, held an event for local governments who do not want to say goodbye to these resolutions.

He claims that “the current world, influenced by LGBT ideology, has been possessed by Satan, eroticism and sex.”

“We do not deserve to be deprived of any EU funds in any way, because we have done nothing wrong,” he said at the event, where representatives of 10 other localities participated.

“If we want to talk about discrimination, it would be more appropriate to talk about discrimination against us, local governments, and through local governments, our residents,” he said at a press conference after the meeting.

Małgorzata Jarosińska-Jedynak, the Deputy Minister of Funds and Regional Policy – the very ministry that is supposed to monitor if EU funds are going to those that violate its values – attended the meeting.

According to Głaz, she assured him that they will “look for a good solution that would satisfy local government officials who are not withdrawing.”

A court system fighting itself

Wiącek is not the first Ombudsman to become the public face of the fight against LGBT-Free Zones.

His predecessor, Adam Bodnar, also sued the local administrations of Serniki, Istebna, Osiek, and Klwów in the Supreme Administrative Court, which ruled that these resolutions needed to be repealed.

Judge Małgorzata Masternak-Kubiak stated in her justification for the decision that “the social effect of the resolutions is to violate the dignity, honour, good name and the private life of a specific group of residents,” and that the state needs to protect and not attack marginalised or vulnerable groups.

Poland has seen a strong wave of re-traditionalisation starting since the fall of communism, with the Catholic Church becoming a bedrock of the country’s identity and many political parties and individuals championing conservative values.

This approach became particularly prominent after Law and Justice came to power in 2015. Their anti-LGBT and anti-progressive rhetoric posits that these “ideas” are an unwanted import from the West that are not only unwelcome in Poland – but that also effectively weaken and undermine the country.

An ultra-conservative Catholic organisation, Ordo Iuris, which claims to promote a rethinking of Poland’s legal framework, has been at the forefront of promotion the LGBT-Free Zones and defending their legal basis, along with other policies banning abortion and divorce.

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Blockaded on all fronts: Poland and Hungary threaten to cut Ukraine’s export route to the West

As Russia once again bombards and blockades Ukraine’s Black Sea ports — through which the country exports its vast agricultural produce — Poland and Hungary threaten to cut off the country’s western exit routes.

Poland will unilaterally block trade with Ukraine if the European Commission fails to extend temporary restrictions on grain imports at least until the end of the year, Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki told a meeting of agriculture ministers from five Eastern EU countries in Warsaw on Wednesday.

“I want to make it clear,” Morawiecki told reporters, “we will not open our border. Either the European Commission will agree to jointly work out regulations that will extend this ban, or we will do it ourselves.”

Hungarian Agriculture Minister István Nagy echoed Morawiecki, saying his country would “protect Hungarian farmers with all its means.”

Days after killing a deal to allow Ukraine to export grain across the Black Sea, Moscow unleashed a wave of attacks on the Ukrainian ports of Odesa and Chornomorsk — two vital export facilities — damaging the infrastructure of global and Ukrainian traders and destroying 60,000 tons of grain.

The EU’s top diplomat, Josep Borell, called Russia’s escalating offensive “barbarian” on Thursday. “What we already know is that this is going to create a huge food crisis in the world,” he told reporters in Brussels, adding that EU countries needed to step up alternative export routes for Ukraine.

Ukraine is one of the world’s biggest exporters of corn, wheat and other grains. Following Russia’s invasion and blockade of its Black Sea ports last year, the EU set up land export routes through its territory.

In the year since, export corridors set up by the EU called ‘solidarity lanes’ have carried about 60 percent of Ukraine’s exports — mostly along the Danube to the Romanian port of Constanța. The remaining 40 percent has trickled through the country’s own ports under the now-defunct Black Sea Grain Initiative brokered by the U.N. and Turkey.

But the opening of the overland routes also led to an unprecedented influx of cheap Ukrainian grain into neighboring EU countries — Romania, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and Slovakia — which was bought and resold by local traders instead of being exported further afield. The glut has put the solidarity of the bloc’s Eastern members with Ukraine in its war of defense sorely to the test.

With an election looming this fall, Poland sought to appease local farmers — a vital constituency for the right-wing government — by closing its border this spring to Ukrainian imports. Hungary, Slovakia and Bulgaria followed suit while Romania, which didn’t impose its own restrictions, joined the four in calling for restrictions at EU level.

In May, the five countries struck a deal with the Commission to drop their unilateral measures in exchange for €100 million in EU funding and assurances that Ukrainian shipments would only pass through the five countries on their way to other destinations. 

It’s these restrictions, which will expire on September 15, that the five countries want extended.

Other EU countries have criticized the Commission’s leniency towards the five Eastern troublemakers, saying the compromise undermined the integrity of the bloc’s internal market.

Open the borders

Borrell said that, instead of restricting trade, the EU should respond to Russia’s Black Sea escalation by opening its borders further.

“If the sea route is closed, we will have to increase the capacity of exporting Ukrainian grain through our ports, which means a bigger effort for the Ukrainian neighbors,” he said before a meeting of EU foreign ministers.

“They will have to contribute more, opening the borders and facilitating transport in order to take the grain of Ukraine from the Black Sea ports. This will require from Member States more engagement. We have done a lot, we have to do more.”

Separately on Thursday, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba called on the EU to make “maximum efforts” to facilitate grain exports from the country.

“While Russia destroys the Grain Initiative, attacks Ukrainian ports and tries to make money on rising food prices, Ukraine and the European Union should make maximum efforts to simplify food exports from Ukraine, particularly by increasing the capacity of alternative transport corridors ‘Solidarity Lanes’ as much as possible,” he said.

During Wednesday’s meeting in Warsaw, agriculture ministers from the five EU countries signed a declaration calling on Brussels to extend and expand the trade restrictions, amid concerns that Russia’s renewed Black Sea blockade could further pressure their domestic markets.

Only Poland and Hungary threatened to take unilateral action if the restrictions were lifted.

Premature

Despite the threat, a senior Commission official said on Thursday it was “premature” to say whether there was a need to extend the restrictions beyond the September 15 deadline.

In recent months, officials have stepped up surveillance and customs checks, and Romania and other countries have significantly increased investment in infrastructure and investment to facilitate the transit of grain through their countries and to other markets, the Commission official said.

But in the year since the land-based export routes were opened, Poland has taken no major steps to improve its own infrastructure or the capacity of its Baltic ports. Analysts say it is unlikely the country will be able to repeat the feat come this summer’s harvest. The Polish government has repeatedly blamed Brussels for not providing enough help.

Despite the ongoing trade dispute, officials in Kyiv have been careful not to openly criticize their counterparts in Warsaw.

That’s because Poland has played a leading role in supporting Ukraine since the war broke out, acting as the main transit point for Western weapons and sending plenty of its own. It has also taken in millions of Ukrainian refugees.

“We highly appreciate all the work done so far within the solidarity lanes by the European Commission and neighboring member states,” Ukraine’s ambassador to the EU, Vsevolod Chentsov, told POLITICO.

Still, he added: “Statements by some member states of the need to extend the ban on the export of Ukrainian agrarian production [cause] serious concerns.” Without naming Poland he said that this “politicizes” the practical reality of what is a logistical challenge “jeopardizes the effectiveness of the solidarity lanes.”

Jacopo Barigazzi contributed reporting



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Lech Walesa joins hundreds of thousands of Poles in anti-govt march in Warsaw

An enormous anti-government march took place in Poland’s capital Sunday, with citizens traveling from across the country to voice their anger at a right-wing administration that has eroded democratic norms and created fears the nation is following Hungary and Turkey down the path to autocracy.

The local government in Warsaw estimated that 500,000 people joined the march, which was led by the opposition party to which the city’s mayor, Rafal Trzaskowski, belongs. It was not possible to verify that figure.

Large crowds gathered in Krakow and other cities across the nation of 38 million, showing frustration with a government that critics accuse of violating the constitution and eroding fundamental rights in Poland, a country long hailed as model of peaceful and democratic change.

Former President Lech Walesa, the leader of the Solidarity movement that played a historic role in toppling communism in Poland, stood on a stage with the leader of the opposition Civic Platform party, former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk.

The crowd cheered on the two men, both of whom are reviled by the ruling Law and Justice party led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, and at times chanted “Democracy!” and “Constitution!”

Tusk had called on Poles to march with him for the sake of the nation’s future — a message that resonated for Radek Tusinski, 49, who rallied with his wife and two young children. A handmade sign reading “I cannot give up freedom” was attached to their baby stroller.

Tuskinski said he worries about the creeping return of an authoritarian system similar to what he remembers from his childhood.

“We want a free country for our children,” he said.

Supporters of the march have warned that the election might be the nation’s last chance to stop the erosion of democracy under the ruling party, Law and Justice, amid growing fears that the fall election might not be fair.

In power since 2015, Law and Justice has found a popular formula, combining higher social spending with socially conservative policies and support for the church in the mostly Catholic nation.

However, critics have warned for years that the party is reversing many of the achievements made since Poland emerged from communist rule in 1989.

Even the United States government has intervened at times when it felt the government was eroding press freedom and academic freedom in the area of Holocaust research.

Critics point mainly to the party’s step-by-step takeover of the judiciary and media. It uses state media for heavy-handed propaganda to tarnish opponents. Law and Justice also tapped into animosity against minorities, particularly LGBTQ+ people, whose struggle for rights the party depicts as a threat to families and national identity. A clampdown on abortion rights has triggered mass protests.

Critics fear that the party could eventually force the country to leave the European Union, a 27-member union founded on democratic ideals.

March participants carried EU and Polish flags, with some also holding up rainbow flags.

Some also voiced anger at the double-digit inflation in the country. The government blames Russia’s war in Ukraine and the COVID-19 pandemic, but economists say its spending policies have accelerated spiraling prices.

Barbara Dec, 26, and her grandmother left their hometown of Zielona Gora at 4:30 a.m. and traveled seven hours on a bus organized by Civic Platform to protest. They planned to return home immediately after the Warsaw event.

Dec held up a cardboard sign that read, “I am afraid to have children in Poland.”

“Women have lost the right to have an abortion even when the fetus is terminally ill, and some women have died,” she explained. “And I am also afraid I couldn’t manage financially.”

Alarm over press freedom

The march was held on the 34th anniversary of the first partly free elections, a democratic breakthrough in the toppling of communism across Eastern Europe. It was seen as a test for Tusk’s Civic Platform, a centrist and pro-European party which has trailed behind Law and Justice in polls.

However, the passage of a controversial law last month appeared to mobilize greater support for Tusk. Poland is expected to hold a general election in October, though a date has not yet been set.

The law allows for the creation of a commission to investigate Russian influence in Poland. Critics argue that the commission would have unconstitutional powers, including the capacity to exclude officials from public life for a decade. They fear it will be used by the ruling party to remove Tusk and other opponents from public life.

Amid uproar in Poland and criticism from the U.S. and the EU, President Andrzej Duda, who signed the law on May 29, proposed amendments to it on Friday. In the meantime, the law will take effect with no guarantees lawmakers in parliament will weaken the commission’s powers.

Some Poles say it could come to resemble the investigations of Joseph McCarthy, the U.S. senator whose anti-communist campaign in the early 1950s led to hysteria and political persecution.

That fear was underlined last weekend when Kaczynski, the ruling party leader, was asked by a reporter if he still had trust in the defense minister in connection with a Russian missile that fell in Poland in December.

“I am forced … to view you as a representative of the Kremlin,” he replied. “Because only the Kremlin wants this man to stop being the minister of national defense.”

The press freedom group Reporters Without Borders expressed concerns that the commission might be used to “wage a witch-hunt against journalists” and “could serve as a new weapon for this type of attack, in which doubt is cast on journalists’ probity in an attempt to smear their reputation.”

Tusk, who is also a former EU council president, had called for the march weeks ago, urging people to demonstrate “against high prices, theft and lies, for free elections and a democratic, European Poland.”

Initially some opposition figures planned to stay away. But after Duda signed the law, other opposition leaders announced they would join in.

Law and Justice sought to discourage participation in the march with a video spot using Auschwitz as a theme — drawing criticism from the state museum that preserves the site of the Nazi German death camp.

(AP)

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What is Poland’s ‘Russian influence law’ really about?

The US and EU have harshly criticised the new legislation, which the Polish opposition say amounts to a campaign of public humiliation.

“Poland is here!” opposition leader Donald Tusk shouted in front of a crowd of thousands of protesters gathered in central Warsaw on Sunday. “No one will silence us!”

Opposition parties and their supporters, including civil society organisations, marched through the Polish capital to mark the 34th anniversary of the first democratic elections held in Poland in 1989 since the communist party abandoned its monopoly on power.

“There are thousands of us, thousands of people with Poland in our hearts, millions of Polish women and men in front of TV sets who did not let themselves be broken, did not let themselves be intimidated,” continued Tusk.

Tusk was flanked by Lech Wałęsa, a former Polish president and renowned protest leader from Gdańsk who founded the Solidarność or Solidarity movement, often single-handedly credited for ending communist rule in Poland.

The subway in the capital was jam-packed as participants made their way to the march, which began on Plac Na Rozdrożu.

While the main demands of the protesters are “free and fair elections” and a “democratic, European Poland”, the march has brought together a diverse crowd of people affected by the decisions of the ruling Law and Justice party (PiS), including women’s rights groups and LGBT activists.

The protests come on the heels of a bill passed last week in the Polish Sejm and approved by President Andrzej Duda that will form a commission to investigate alleged Russian influence and collaboration with Russian authorities starting in 2007.

PiS, which is the largest party in the Sejm, sponsored the bill, and is aligned with Duda.

The commission, in its currently proposed form, will investigate Russian influence on the internal security of Poland, including public figures as well as businesses that have ties to Moscow that could be detrimental to Poland.

According to the text published by the parliament, the law will apply to “persons who, in the years 2007-2022, were public officials or members of senior management staff who, under Russian influence, acted to the detriment of the interests of the Republic of Poland”. 

Additionally, the law ostensibly “aims at preventing them from acting again under Russian influence to the detriment of the interests of the Republic of Poland.” 

This proposal has proved deeply controversial.

Duplication of powers

The commission has the power to enforce various penalties, among them a 10-year ban on obtaining a security clearance or assuming public office, as well as the revoking of firearms licenses.

Experts say these measures in fact fall within the jurisdiction of the courts and other government bodies in the country, not an ad hoc commission created to duplicate or replace the judicial process.

Ever since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine began last year, countries along Ukraine’s border have worried about a spillover in the Kremlin’s covert or malign influence. Moscow’s influence operations have long been a source of concern for Poland, even before its first assault on Ukraine in 2014.

Many in Poland see the creation of the commission as an attempt by PiS to boost their standing with the public ahead of upcoming elections.

“While PiS is still leading the polls, there is a lot of fatigue, especially from their more moderate supporters,” explains Christopher Lash, a historian and professor at Lazarski University in Warsaw.

“Nobody is saying Russian influence should not be investigated. It’s precisely because there are already people out there whose job it is to investigate this that people are worried that this commission is part of a political game by the ruling party,” he continued.

For him, this is more akin to a “witch hunt”.

Sure enough, the bill has faced condemnation from the US and the EU, who said the commission could be used to block opposition candidates from assuming office.

“The US Government is concerned by the Polish government’s passage of new legislation that could be misused to interfere with Poland’s free and fair elections,” said US State Department spokesman Matthew Miller.

He added that such a law “could be used to block the candidacy of opposition politicians without due process”.

In response to the deluge of criticism, Duda has proposed amendments to the law which would remove these powers from the commission and limit its ability to mete out punishments.

He also made clear that the commission would not feature sitting members of parliament.

Szymon Hołownia, the leader of the opposition Poland 2050 party, mocked the president’s statement, saying that he had basically walked back his own rhetoric from earlier in the week.

“President Duda today used the right of veto over his own signature. And the Sejm will now have a choice: it can choose the opinion of the president from Monday or the one from Friday,” Hołownia said on Twitter.

To win political power, criticising Russia is essential

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has revived historical grievances across the continent, not least from the countries that suffered the most at Russia’s hand.

Poland and Russia have been rivals over territories such as modern Ukraine, Belarus, and Lithuania in the past, and have had turbulent political relations.

“As Poland weakened over history, Russia gained a lot of territory and gobbled up about two-thirds of the old Polish commonwealth,” explains Lash. “So there’s this historic fear of Poland losing its sovereignty to Russia or being threatened by it.”

A fear, it seems, that PiS is happy to capitalise on.

Even before last year’s invasion, the Kremlin expended significant political capital trying to minimise its historical role in diminishing Poland’s power.

In 2020, Moscow launched a glitzy propaganda campaign trying to portray the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union for the partition of Poland – which led to Soviet troops entering the country 15 days after the Germans – as a necessary evil.

In turn, Poland has fiercely supported Ukraine and criticised Nord Stream 2, a pipeline that allowed Russia to deliver natural gas directly to Germany while circumventing its Eastern European neighbours.

“Criticising Russia is not controversial,” Lash confirms. “All shades of the Polish political sphere are anti-Russian except for very tiny fringe political actors.

“It seems as if the goal [of the commission] is to polarise the debate and label people as being pro-Russian or in league with the Kremlin.”

And from the point of view of most experts, top of the list of the commission’s expected targets is former Polish Prime Minister Tusk.

A meeting of hardened rivals

The leader of the opposition party Civic Platform (PO), Tusk was prime minister for two terms, from 2007 until 2014, when he left for Brussels to become the European Council president and, later, the head the European People’s Party (EPP), which is also the largest bloc in the European Parliament.

Some argue that it was Tusk’s move to Brussels that cleared the way for PiS to be elected to power in 2015. His experience in the EU hierarchy has been harshly criticised by the leader of PiS, Jarosław Kaczyński, who often portrays the EU as an enemy of a sovereign Poland and whose party has consistently been on a collision course with the EPP.

“Tusk and Kaczynski are two fundamental, central figures of Polish politics from the early 2000s onwards,” said Lash. “Tusk is seen as Kaczynski’s mortal enemy, and he is the only one who can stand up to him and his way of controlling Polish politics.”

Poland has openly coordinated its foreign policy aims with the US, and when Tusk was the prime minister, the administration of President Barack Obama was trying to navigate a middle course with Russia.

“Tusk, just like Obama did in the US, attempted some sort of reset with Russia in 2009 and 2010 because that was the general atmosphere and it was a different time. It is likely that this would be the main period the commission will focus on,” explained Lash.

On the other hand, PiS claims to have always warned about Russia’s expansionist project. Now that most Western powers have turned against Moscow, that supposed legacy is one they are keen to cash in on.

As Lash predicted: “They will try to paint themselves as the true patriots who were always fiercely critical of Russia.”

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