Why Cornel West Is Broke

Newly uncovered divorce filings reveal allegations of a “secret life” and help explain why the presidential candidate, who has earned millions of dollars over the years, has hardly anything left.

By Jemima Denham, Contributor, and Zach Everson, Forbes Staff


Cornel West has been a fixture of American society for more than three decades, publishing books, teaching at Ivy League institutions, commenting on cable news, collaborating on music with Prince—even popping up in sequels to the Matrix. Ubiquity provided liquidity, with West earning an estimated $15 million or so over the last 30 years. But oddly, as he mounts an independent run for president, his net worth resembles that of a first-year adjunct professor. “I live paycheck to paycheck,” says West.

A review of federal filings and property records confirms that West’s net worth is near zero. Other outlets have previously reported on his troubles paying taxes over the years. But no one so far has explained how someone so successful became so broke. With West in position to affect who becomes America’s next president, Forbes set out to answer that question, digging into heaps of legal and tax documents filed in various jurisdictions over six decades. Turns out much of the damage was self-inflicted.

West burst onto the national scene in the 1990s with Race Matters, a compilation of essays that sold more than 500,000 copies. He traveled the country to deliver speeches, hauling in more than $500,000 a year. Much of the money flowed to him with no taxes deducted. West blew it—on many things, especially women—leaving little left for Uncle Sam by the time tax season arrived. The liens piled up: $144,000 in 1998, $105,000 in 2000, $205,000 in 2001 and so on. “Almost like a reptile biting its tail,” he says now.

West lived in a Four Seasons condo in Boston, which he later admitted he could not afford, and rode around in a Mercedes or Cadillac. One of his four ex-wives accused West of maintaining a covert apartment in Boston for $5,000 a month to use as a love den. She also alleged that, despite not having any health conditions, he later took a medical leave from his job at Harvard to live a “secret life” with another woman in New Mexico.

In court documents filed in 2002 and 2003, West did not deny burning money on affairs, at least one of which produced a child. (He acknowledged he had an 18-month-old daughter at the time.) And in his 2009 memoir, Brother West: Living and Loving Out Loud, West confirms some of the less-salacious details. But when asked in November to respond to claims he’d “hid or wasted” close to a million dollars, at least some of which went to support extramarital affairs, West offered via email that “The allegations were too ridiculous to attend to–then and now, my brother!” He did not respond to a follow-up inquiry that detailed his ex-wife’s specific allegations.

In 2002, he blamed his financial troubles on other factors, such as his soon-to-be ex-wife’s propensity to spend money on Chanel clothing, upscale dining and antique furniture. More recently, after news about his tax liens surfaced, West elaborated on the genesis of his debt problems, suggesting the student loans he incurred as an undergraduate put him in a “black hole” that he could never escape.

That’s nonsense. After three decades in the public eye, West has earned more than enough money to pay back his student loans. Without enormous earnings, West would not owe the federal government so much in unpaid taxes (he still has about $483,000 in outstanding tax liens today). The real explanation for West’s financial problems: recklessness. Despite his professorial appearance—West is famous for his toothy smile and W. E. B. Du Bois-inspired, three-piece suits—he has spent and lived wildly, impregnating and abandoning multiple women, leaving him with significant divorce and child-support payments, some of which he failed to pay. If government leadership is largely about managing money and maintaining relationships, it’s hard to imagine anyone else in the field who is less prepared for the job than Cornel West.

West was born in Tulsa and raised in Sacramento, by parents who had middle-class jobs, his mom as an elementary school teacher and his dad as a civilian Air Force contractor. At 17, West got a partial scholarship to Harvard. To cover the rest of his tuition, he got assistance from his parents, worked by cleaning toilets and delivering mail and took out loans, he wrote in his memoir. Wary of accumulating more debt, he raced through Harvard in three years. Then in 1973 at age 20, he headed down the East Coast to Princeton, on a full scholarship, to work on his doctorate in philosophy.

At first, everything seemed to be going smoothly. In 1977, when he was just 23, West got married for the first time, became a father and started teaching at New York City’s Union Theological Seminary, an affiliate of Columbia University. Then life took a turn. In 1979, West published one of his first works, an essay on embedding Marxist ideology into Black theology, and filed for divorce from his wife in Reno, Nevada, writing years later in his memoir that she needed more stability than his “intellectual wanderings” could offer. The divorce decree stipulated that West had to pay child support of $320 a month and 15% of his income in excess of $15,000 until his son became an adult. West’s share of the settlement: A stereo, albums and a couple of studio chairs. “In my head, I kept hearing Johnnie Taylor singin’ ‘bout ‘It’d be cheaper to keep her,” West wrote in his memoir. He claimed that the settlement and his poor financial-planning abilities left him sleeping in Central Park for a couple of nights.

He was in love again soon, marrying for a second time in 1981. Five years into that union, he met the woman who would become his third wife in New Haven, Connecticut when she served him a hamburger as he read Hegel in the restaurant of a Holiday Inn. According to his memoir, West proposed to the 27-year-old Elleni Gebre Amlak on their first date: “Elleni, marry me and become the First Lady of Black America.” That line didn’t work, at first. By the time they actually did wed five years later, in 1991, Elleni had changed jobs and was working for the state of Maryland as a counselor for autistic adults. West convinced her to quit her job and delay plans to attend graduate school so that she could travel with him, she later claimed.


What’s Left For West

The famed professor has generated significant earnings over the years. But lavish spending has wiped almost all of it away, leaving Cornel West with only two assets: a retirement account with about $280,000 in it and a partial share of a Princeton home. Combined, they appear to be worth little more than the debts he owes.


Soon he had many places to be. Los Angeles police officers beat Rodney King in the streets in 1991, sparking riots and a national conversation about race. The year after the riots, West released his most-celebrated book, Race Matters, cementing his reputation as a preeminent Black intellectual. Over the ensuing years, West bounced between elite universities—going from Princeton to Harvard to Princeton to Union Theological Seminary—while delivering talks nationwide.

The speeches were lucrative. West’s annual salary at Harvard was around $220,000, but he was able to at least double that amount on the lecture circuit. Over an 18-day stretch in January 1998, for example, West delivered 11 paid speeches, traveling between Alabama, Colorado, Michigan, Illinois, Virginia, Louisiana, North Carolina and Oregon, making between $8,000 and $12,000 at each stop. West described such barnstorming humbly, calling himself a “bluesman singing for his supper.”

But it also led to trouble. In 1998, while on a speaking trip to Ohio, West met a student who was a married mother of two. According to court records, he convinced her to leave her husband and move to Boston, where West was working at Harvard. He put her up in an apartment, separate from the Four Seasons condo he owned with his wife, Elleni. A star on the road, West became a deadbeat at home. The City of Boston filed a property tax lien against West’s Four Seasons condo for not paying taxes in 1998. As an independent businessman who delivered lucrative speeches, West was responsible for setting aside enough money to pay his tax bills each year. He did not. The IRS said he failed to pay $144,000 of taxes that year.

Things soon spiraled out of control. In 1999, West separated from Elleni and rented an apartment for $5,000 a month from another professor at Harvard. He eventually reconciled with his spouse and moved back into his condo at the Four Seasons—but secretly maintained the apartment for future affairs, his wife alleged.

He struck up another romance with a woman he met in Harvard’s Cambridge neighborhood in 1999, then provided financial support to her and took her to Turkey on a two-week vacation, according to papers his wife later filed in court. Before long, his mistress was pregnant with West’s second child. He took a medical leave from Harvard to move to Santa Fe, New Mexico. West phoned his wife regularly to give her the impression he was cleaning up his life while secretly living with his mistress and new child, Elleni later alleged in court filings. She declined to speak with Forbes for this article. In his memoir, West acknowledged having a “love relationship” with a Harvard Nieman Fellow he met in 1999 that led to the birth of a child.

As these shenanigans were going on, West’s reputation continued to grow. In 1999, he was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, an honorary society John Adams and John Hancock cofounded in 1780. His bio on its website exalts his passion for “telling the truth and bearing witness to love and justice.” And, in 2000, West co-authored a book on Black people’s significance in shaping America with esteemed scholar Henry Louis Gates Jr.

West continued to rake in money on the lecture circuit, too. In 1999 and 2000, West earned more than $550,000 from speeches, according to records from his agent. Elleni estimated his gross income at about $1 million over those two years, a figure that he largely confirmed.

All the money still wasn’t enough to quell his debt problems. By 2002, West owed $817,000 on two mortgages on the Four Seasons condo, $271,000 in delinquent taxes to the IRS, another $38,000 to the Massachusetts Department of Revenue and $26,000 to the City of Boston, according to paperwork he filed in court. West also had taken an advance of $160,000 on his speaking gigs from his agent in 2000. Credit card debts, condo fees, personal loans, student debt and loans from both Harvard and Princeton added up to another $652,000. Things got so bad that when his wife returned from an extended visit to Ethiopia to visit family, she said she found he had failed to pay their bills, causing her phone and cable to get disconnected, her car insurance to be canceled and much of her debt to be sent to collection.

Child support for his two kids also was eating into some of West’s income. In a 2002 affidavit, West acknowledged paying for college tuition, an apartment rental, a car and attorneys fees for his adult son from his first marriage. A court order also required West to pay $750 a week to support the 18-month-old daughter he fathered out of wedlock.

After sticking with him through years of infidelity, Elleni finally filed for divorce in 2001. Two years later, everything was final, with West required to pay his ex-wife $150,000, transfer $275,000 of retirement money to her and provide alimony of $12,500 a month for 12 years.

“The mental strain broke down our bond, and the result, in spite of deep love, was a divorce that left me with a busted bank account,” West wrote in his memoir. He went on, “When it comes to money, by now you know that this particular bluesman has always been funny.”

After his third divorce, the funny business continued. In 2003, around the time that West appeared in the Matrix movies, a woman who had earlier filed a complaint to establish paternity against West took him to court for $49,500 in unpaid child support. (The debt, which was first reported by the Daily Beast, still appears open in court documents, although West recently told New York Magazine that he’d settled the matter privately decades ago.)

Elleni also came back seeking unpaid sums. In 2004, the year West published the bestseller Democracy Matters, she filed a complaint in Massachusetts, alleging he had failed to pay her $50,000 that she was due from their divorce settlement. In 2011, she took him to court again, this time claiming he owed her $486,000 and had failed to pay for her health insurance. He quickly agreed to sign over all of a $13,000 book advance he was expecting (apparently for The Rich And The Rest of Us: A Poverty Manifesto) to her with another $22,000 to follow over the next month. He ended up agreeing to transfer $575,000 to Elleni within 60 days and another $165,000 over 35 months.

West kept accruing tax debts too, with the IRS filing liens totaling $298,000 for 2003, 2004 and 2005. Even when he managed to make some progress, paying off at least $508,000 between 2007 and 2012, more kept accumulating. Records from New Jersey from around that period show him racking up $85,800 of additional tax debt to the state. He added another $466,000 of IRS liens from 2013 through 2017.

West, now on his fifth wife, says he’s earning about $115,000 a year today at Union Theological Seminary, which also provides him with free housing. Delivering speeches and teaching on Masterclass helped boost his income to about $500,000 in 2022, he thinks. Still, he says paying off old debt eats up most of his income: “Things are always so tight for me.”

His latest act of financial recklessness: Running for president. West is on sabbatical from Union Theological Seminary now, which allows him to continue collecting a paycheck. But the sabbatical will end next year, likely before his campaign does, so West expects to have to transition to an unpaid leave of absence. Maybe a presidential run will help him sell more books, but West seems skeptical: “It’s not as if reading is an integral habit of our precious fellow citizens these days,” he says.

His campaign has been sloppy too. The Federal Election Commission kicked back his initial registration as a candidate because he neglected to sign it. West’s financial disclosure, a standard form that all presidential candidates are required to submit, was remarkably barren, with no mention of his tax debts and no details about who has been paying him to give speeches. It’s hard to imagine federal ethics officials certifying the document without significant edits (which might explain why, almost four months after he first filed the document, the government still hasn’t released a certified version).

All told, West’s current net worth appears to be close to zero. He has about $225,000 of equity in his home in Princeton, New Jersey, which he co-owns with the university. And his retirement savings fund is worth $280,000. That equity outweighs his $465,000 in outstanding tax liens, but only by $40,000, leaving West little breathing room if other debts pop up.

He certainly doesn’t have the financial wherewithal to invest much into his campaign, unlike former billionaire Ross Perot, who mounted an independent bid for the White House in 1992. West’s campaign raised just $250,000 in the third quarter, compared with the $25 million Joe Biden and Donald Trump each pulled in. At this point, though, West doesn’t seem too stressed about his finances. “It’s just—it’s me and Jesus,” he said recently, laughing, “and my momma’s prayers. But it has been like that for decades.”

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London’s plan to charge drivers of polluting cars sparks protests

London’s traffic cameras are under attack. Police say hundreds of license plate-reading cameras have been damaged, disconnected or stolen by opponents of an anti-pollution charge on older vehicles that came into force across the metropolis on Tuesday.

The vandalism by vigilantes calling themselves the Blade Runners shows that emotions are running high over the city’s Ultra Low Emission Zone. 

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London’s mayor says the measure will cut air pollution that is linked to about 4,000 deaths a year in the British capital. Critics say it’s a cash grab that will penalize suburban residents who depend on their cars for work and essential travel.

“The cameras are going to keep coming down,” predicted Nick Arlett, who has organized protests against the clean-air charge and says he neither condones nor condemns the sabotage “People are angry.”

Moves in the UK to cut air pollution and reduce car use have become a political flashpoint. Supporters say cynical politicians and conspiracy theorists are exploiting opposition to the plans. The Conservative government has attacked London’s vehicle levy, leading to allegations it is backing down on green pledges.

London’s plan, known as the ULEZ, levies a £12.50 daily charge on most gas cars and vans built before 2006 and on pre-2015 diesel vehicles. Introduced in central London in 2019, it was expanded in 2021 to the city’s inner suburbs. From Tuesday it covers all of Greater London, including the sprawling outer suburbs where more than half the city’s 9 million people live.

Mayor Sadiq Khan says the expansion means “5 million more Londoners being able to breathe cleaner air.”

“It was a difficult decision, but it’s a vital one and a right one,” he said Tuesday.

But some suburbanites say it will be an unbearable new expense, amid a cost-of-living squeeze that saw inflation top 11 per cent late last year. Outer London has higher levels of car ownership and less public transit than the city centre.

“It’s going to make poor people poorer,” said Anna Austen, who says she relies on her 15-year-old diesel car to get to work and take her children to school.

“I have no money to pay the fines, I have no money to replace my car,” said Austen, who joined a recent protest by several dozen ULEZ opponents beside a busy road in south London. Some passing drivers honked loudly when encouraged to “beep for freedom.”

The issue shot up the national political agenda in July when the governing Conservatives unexpectedly won a special election in the outer London district of Uxbridge by campaigning against the levy introduced by Mayor Khan, a member of the opposition Labour Party.

Since then, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has asked for a review of Low Traffic Neighborhoods – often locally controversial zones where cars are banned from some residential streets – and slammed Labour as hostile to motorists. He has also approved new North Sea oil and gas drilling, sparking accusations the U.K. is backsliding on its climate commitments.

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Sunak’s government says it remains committed to banning the sale of new gas and diesel cars by 2030 and reaching net zero carbon emissions by 2050.

Sunak said Tuesday that the new car charge “is going to hit working families. I don’t think that’s the right priority.”

Labour points out that the ULEZ was originally announced in 2015 by then-Mayor Boris Johnson, a Conservative. But Labour was rattled by the Uxbridge result, despite its big lead in opinion polls nationwide. Leader Keir Starmer urged London’s mayor to “reflect” on the ULEZ expansion. Khan refused to delay but expanded a scrappage program that offers London residents up to £2,000 to replace old vehicles. Opponents say the money is nowhere near enough.

The air in London, a city once nicknamed the Big Smoke, is getting cleaner¸ though the impact of the ULEZ is debated. A 2021 study by Imperial College London suggested the zone had a relatively small effect on air pollution in the 12 weeks after its central London launch. But research published by the mayor’s office in February found that emissions of harmful nitrogen oxides were 26 per cent lower in the ULEZ area since 2019 than they would have been without it, and emissions of particulate matter were 19 per cent lower.

“We know that low emission zones work,” said Simon Birkett, director of the campaigning group Clean Air in London, arguing that “big problems need big solutions.”

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ULEZ opponents include trade unions and ordinary Londoners, but backers of the plan claim the issue is also being exploited by extremists. Khan told radio station LBC last week that opposition had been “weaponized” by “people who believed in conspiracy theories.”

At a recent demonstration, protesters chanted “Get Khan out,” and many placards attacked the city’s first Muslim mayor personally, sometimes in crude terms. Several protesters referred to Khan as a puppet of larger forces, including the World Economic Forum and the United Nations, that they alleged sought to control society. Some also expressed doubt about the extent of human-caused climate change.

One group involved in the protests¸ Together, was created in 2021 to campaign against coronavirus lockdowns and vaccine mandates. It has since turned its attention to low-traffic neighbourhoods, clean-air schemes and plans for central bank digital currencies.

Co-founder Alan Miller says he’s no conspiracy theorist but that over all those issues the public feels “ignored and treated with contempt” by politicians and bureaucrats.

Other European cities have had varied results with plans to tackle air pollution. Madrid has a similar low-emission zone to London, while Paris’s plan to ban all diesel and older petrol cars has faced delays.

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Supporters of the London plan hope the opposition will fade over time. But Tony Travers, professor of government at the London School of Economics, said he expects to see politicians exploit this “classic political wedge issue” in next year’s national election.

“The use of cars and freedom to use them and where people can drive have great cut-through, in a way that many other issues don’t,” Travers said. “Could pro- and anti-motorists be turned into a theme for the general election? I think it will be.”

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The IRS is cracking down on a popular small business tax break that could lead to a costly audit

A cottage industry of specialist firms has sprung up to help business owners claim the Employee Retention Credit (ERC), a governmental tax incentive intended for companies stressed by the pandemic. But businesses need to be careful not to get hoodwinked. 

There are strict eligibility requirements for the ERC — one way it can be claimed is for wages paid during pandemic periods when gross receipts declined — and many owners may not really understand the criteria. This means they could inadvertently gloss over the opportunity and lose out on credit of up to $26,000 per employee. Or, they could easily be duped by dodgy providers into improperly seeking money they aren’t entitled to — with a hefty fee attached, of course — and likely ramifications down the road.

The problem is particularly pervasive given how easy it is to file for the credit and dupe small businesses in the process, said Donald N. Hoffman, a partner with Eisner Advisory Group. “Every business owner is getting dozens of emails and mail and being bombarded by television ads,” he said.

To be sure, the IRS warned business owners last October to be on the lookout for third parties promoting improper ERC claims. It renewed that warning in March of this year given what it said in a release “continue to be promoters who aggressively mislead people and businesses into thinking they can claim these credits.”

The IRS went so far as to add fraudulent claims involving the ERC to its annual “Dirty Dozen” list of tax scams. 

“The aggressive marketing of these credits is deeply troubling and a major concern,” said IRS Commissioner Danny Werfel in a release. “There are very specific guidelines around these pandemic-era credits; they are not available to just anyone.” 

These promotions may rely on inaccurate information about eligibility or how the credit is calculated, the IRS said. What’s more, some of these advertisements are designed to collect a taxpayer’s sensitive information, which is then used for identity theft purposes, the IRS said.

Here are important things owners need to know about the ERC to avoid issues, including in the worst-case scenario, an audit.

Start by understanding the basic ERC claim requirements

Start by knowing the basics so you can understand whether your business may qualify for a credit.

Eligible taxpayers can claim the ERC on an original or amended employment tax return for qualified wages paid between March 13, 2020, and Dec. 31, 2021, according to the IRS. Businesses can be eligible if they sustained a full or partial suspension of operations due to a pandemic-related government-ordered shutdown during applicable time periods. A business can also be eligible if it experienced a decline in gross receipts during the first three quarters of 2021, or a significant decline in gross receipts during 2020. Another way to be eligible is if the company qualified as a “recovery startup business” — a business started during the pandemic — for the third or fourth quarters of 2021.

Businesses can still be eligible for the credit if they received PPP loan forgiveness, which some owners may not realize, said Gina Perrone, a senior tax manager at accounting, tax and advisory firm Sax LLP. When the ERC was first created this was not allowed, but it was later revised. There are however, restrictions on double-dipping, which a tax professional can help ensure doesn’t happen.

Consult a CPA before signing with an ERC specialist

It’s very confusing for small businesses because of the various requirements, so it is advisable to consult with a CPA firm that is familiar with the ERC rules — even if a third party suggests the business automatically qualifies. There are many definitions and particulars that need to be sorted out to ensure that a business is, in fact, eligible. 

For instance, the definition of gross receipts for credit purposes is the one used by the Small Business Administration, and it refers to the figure reported on your tax return, Hoffman said.

Certainly, don’t sign an agreement with a third party before consulting with a trusted and reputable financial professional.

Learn to spot the ERC red flags to avoid an audit

Even though a provider may make it sound “super simple,” there are many complicated factors in determining eligibility, said Jenn McCabe, partner at accounting and consulting firm Armanino. Be wary of any firm that uses pressure tactics to encourage businesses to act quickly, she said. These firms sometimes charge hefty upfront fees or a fee that is contingent on the refund amount.

Another red flag is when a third party doesn’t ask for documentation to ensure a business owner qualifies, Perrone said. Businesses don’t have to provide that documentation to the IRS, but they should nonetheless ensure they are entitled to the credit to avoid costly headaches later on. If the business wasn’t really eligible, but received the credit and is later audited, it will owe the money back with penalties and interest, Perrone said. This can occur several years later, and meanwhile, the business has already paid the third party and is unlikely to recover those funds, Perrone said. 

To help avoid an audit, “make sure you can substantiate your claim and your eligibility requirements,” Perrone said.

If your business does qualify, next steps with tax return

Once the business ascertains it qualifies, the next step is to file Form 941-X, an amended quarterly payroll tax return, for each quarter for which the business seeks credit. For 2020, businesses have until April 15, 2024 to file; for 2021, they have until April 15, 2025, Perrone said. 

Businesses that file for the credit also need to amend their applicable tax returns to account for the additional income based on the year they qualified for the credit. “They cannot just report the income in the year they received the cash,” Hoffman said.

Also know that professional standards prohibit CPAs from charging contingency fees for preparing original or amended returns — a necessary step in receiving the credit. 

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Owe the IRS more in tax than expected? These are the next steps for business owners

Some small businesses may have received an unwelcome surprise at tax time.

As the U.S. continues to emerge from the pandemic, certain businesses might be seeing improved revenue and owe more taxes than they have in the past few years. Tax law changes in 2022 are also causing some shocking tax bills in the small business world. Meanwhile, newly self-employed often mistakenly equate gross pay and net pay, without taking taxes into account. “If you’ve been living as if the money that’s in your bank account is your net pay, that can be a rude awakening,” said Andy Phillips, director at The Tax Institute at H&R Block.

If owners haven’t estimated appropriately, or have spent the cash elsewhere, it can create large problems. It can be especially vexing since the first estimate for the current tax year is generally due at the same time as last year’s tax bill, a double-whammy.

But a larger-than-expected income tax bill doesn’t have to sink the ship. Here are ways small businesses can handle unexpectedly high tax bills.

File even if you can’t pay the whole IRS bill.

Some small businesses may not have filed their taxes by April 18 this year because they don’t have the money to pay their bill. They should still file as soon as possible, however, to mitigate the IRS’s “Failure to File” penalty, which applies to taxpayers who have a tax liability and don’t file by the due date. The penalty is a percentage of the taxes you didn’t pay on time.

If seeking an extension, you still have to pay.

Some business owners likely have sought an extension, thinking this will allow them to push off their payments without financial repercussions. “It’s an extension to file, not an extension to pay,” said Kimberly Wilkinson, senior tax manager at Wiss & Company.

Check for local disaster exceptions to filing.

Certain taxpayers may be able to benefit from IRS extensions for filing last year’s taxes and 2023 estimated taxes due to disaster situations in their local area. To learn more, they can visit the section of the IRS’s website specifically dedicated to this topic. “It’s a tremendous relief for those that are impacted,” said Michael Prinzo, managing principal of tax with CliftonLarsonAllen in Greenwood Village, Colorado.

Review payment plan options.

Owners who need more time to pay may qualify for a short-term or long-term payment plan. They can visit the relevant section of the IRS’s website to see what’s available, as well as potential costs and filing options.

Owners should keep in mind the IRS’s “Failure to Pay” penalty based on how long their overdue taxes remain unpaid. Though future penalties may be reduced by setting up a payment plan, it’s advisable to pay off the tax liability as soon as possible to limit the adverse effects of accruing interest. 

Don’t dip into payroll tax money.

Sometimes small business owners with employees try to tap money earmarked for payroll taxes to pay their personal taxes. That’s not allowed and could result in a stiff penalty. “It’s incredibly important that small business owners never borrow from their payroll withholdings to pay anything else,” Phillips said.

Consider personal loans, credit even at higher interest rates.

A small business owner who needs cash to pay his or her taxes might consider a bank or credit card loan or some other type of short-term financing, such as tapping an existing line of credit if available. Interest rates may be high for some of these options — in many cases reaching into double-digits on a percentage basis after a year of Federal Reserve rate hikes. But owners have to weigh credit costs against the penalties and interest they’ll accrue from the IRS, according to Anne Zimmerman, president and founder of Zimmerman & Co CPAs and co-chair of Small Business for America’s Future, a national coalition of small business owners and leaders. “Don’t use the IRS as your banker,” Zimmerman said.

Consider filing an amended return.

It behooves small businesses to take a second look at their tax return and consider filing an amended return if they are able to eke out additional deductions.

“Often business owners aren’t taking advantage of all the things they’re entitled to,” Prinzo said. “Make sure there haven’t been any missed planning opportunities.”

For example, there are favorable rules associated with taking accelerated depreciation, often referred to as bonus depreciation, which can help lower the tax burden.

In addition, there may be additional opportunities to deduct expenses, such as software, advertising or certain professional service fees, Phillips said. Small business owners may also be able to deduct home office expenses, if applicable. 

For many small business owners, personal tax benefits can also reduce the taxes due. Owners may not have taken into account new life circumstances that could qualify them for a tax benefit or benefits, such as marriage, having children, caregiving for certain individuals or education expenses. “Life changes generally mean tax changes,” Phillips said.

Work with a CPA to plan ahead, and potentially defer taxes.

Planning ahead with a CPA can help ensure owners aren’t blind-sided in the future.

For instance, if an owner sees in the middle of the year he or she is making more money, estimates can be tweaked to minimize some of the impact at income tax time. “The goal is to have your tax paid by the end of the year,” Wilkinson said.

Small businesses could also consider setting up a tax-deferred retirement plan for 2023, which can help with tax savings, said Cary Carbonaro, a certified financial planner with Advisors Capital Management in Winter Garden, Fla. A client recently did this mid-year and eliminated the need for a $300,000 estimated tax payment, Carbonaro said.

Thanks to recent passage of the SECURE 2.0 retirement savings legislation, there could be additional tax benefits for certain business owners who start tax-deferred retirement plans, so that’s also worth investigating, Prinzo said. Secure 2.0 encourages small business owners to create retirement savings plans through starter plan options and tax credits for both administrative costs in setting up a plan and making employee match contributions.

Nevertheless, even if you take all these steps, it’s still important to keep enough cash on hand for the next tax cycle, just in case there’s another surprise.

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