Macron eyes key immigration and economy reforms for remainder of term

“We need to act as Europeans”, said the French president, outlining “a major political initiative” for the upcoming months.

The end of August is approaching, the long French summer holiday season is almost over, and Emmanuel Macron is back with many projects. 

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France’s president has revealed what his objectives are for his next years in office, in a wide-ranging interview with the French magazine Le Point.

Eyeing up geopolitics, new laws on immigration and reforms to industry and education,  Macron assured he is not a “lame duck”, stuck and powerless in a second term dogged by social unrest, riots and a seemingly neverending war in Ukraine.

‘Can we leave Ukraine be torn apart and Russia win? No.’

“I hope that Ukraine’s counteroffensive can bring everyone around the negotiation table […] a good negotiation will be the one Ukrainians will want”, he says.

Macron put the onus on Moscow to help bring about an end to the fighting: It’s “Russia’s role to choose which partner it wants to be. Yet, today, Russia is no longer the same as it was in 2021. Vladimir Putin’s responsibility is huge.”

The liberal president repeatedly tried to maintain talks with his Russian counterpart at the beginning of the war in Ukraine. 

Today, he says he will be speaking to him again when necessary. Vladimir Putin “feeds into the world’s disarray”.

‘US and China have decided that the WTO is no longer a thing’

Keeping on the topic of instability, Macron claims some of the “frameworks” of the international order have “shattered”. 

“The Sino-American dispute endangers the established trade order”, he says in reference to the mounting trade war between the world’s two biggest economies.  

Macron thinks it’s a serious problem for Europe which has to continue to fight for its “unique political and social model”. 

France’s president claims this geopolitical and trade turmoil has disrupted the world order, adding the upheaval is “not good news for the West.”

‘France was right to join African nations to fight terrorism’

Amid a rising tide of hostility and competition from other actors – notably Russian Wagner mercenaries – France has pulled out its troops from several countries in Africa, where they were fighting jihadist groups and providing security for the governments. 

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“If we hadn’t deployed Serval then Barkhane operations, Mali, Burkina Faso and probably Niger would no longer exist,” Macron said, claiming these military operations stopped the creation of a new Islamic state kilometres from Europe’s coasts. 

“French interventions requested by African states were a success,” he added. 

The presence of the old colonial power’s troops was heavily criticised by some parts of the local population, while in Mali relations also soured with the country’s military rulers. 

Macron called once more for Niger’s President Mohamed Bazoum to be released by the military junta which took over the country on 26 July 2023.

As for French influence in Africa, Macron sees it as a “partnership where France defends its interests and backs Africa so it can succeed. It’s a real partnership and not a joint sovereignty.”

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Riots after Nahel’s death were ‘an act of vengeance’

The killing of a teenage boy in a Parisian suburb on 27 June 2023 sparked major riots in France. 

17-year-old Nahel – of Moroccan and Algerian descent – was dead shot by police officers in a roadside check, which some said highlighted deep-seated issues of racism and police violence in France. 

Violent unrest ripped France apart for about nine days during which 3,915 people were arrested. Among them, 1244 were underage and 742 have now been convicted to jail time.

“We have been unyielding. […] That’s why it only lasted a couple of days,” says Macron. “It was a tremendous surge of violence […] there was no political message, nor a social nor a religious one.”

Analysing the riots, he alleged social media played a massive role. Snapchat and mostly the “Snap Map” functionality is thought to have enabled rioters to identify “hotspots” where looting, violence and fires were in full swing.

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He also indicates that familial and educative structures have imploded. “An enormous amount of people arrested came from a single-parent family or from child welfare services.”

France has a long history of racism and violence against its “non-white” population, with police long accused of disproportionately targeting Arab and Black people. 

Nahel was shot at point-blank range, trying to drive away from officers in a traffic stop. 

Emergency executive powers could be used to pass immigration law

Macron said he wants to avoid a repetition of the major political crisis prompted by a reform to raise the retirement age from 62 to 64. 

His flagship pension reform was allowed to pass Parliament without a vote thanks to a special constitutional power.

France’s leader has drafted a controversial immigration bill. He wants to negotiate with the opposition to build effective support for it, but has not ruled out using these powers to force it through the National Assembly. 

“We need results, so if such a bill is blocked, I won’t deny myself from using it.”

This bill would cut illegal immigration and be strict regarding foreigners who threatened public order. Reducing asylum requests examination period is also mentioned, but the most hotly debated part is provisions to allow foreigners who are “highly sought after professionals” to obtain a residence permit. 

While the right wing is clear in saying this measure would mean the government is crossing a red line, Macron’s left wing is weaker in defending itself and supporting this proposition. 

The French President will have to be nimble and cautious at the risk of losing support from the left and right-wing for this bill.

Climate change: European domestic industry is Macron’s solution

Macron finally turns to climate change, trying to balance it against the needs of the economy. 

“I defend an idea of ecology that requires progress, projects, common sense and solutions within the scope of scientific analysis”, says the French head of state.

“Europe has a choice: It can be a wonderful market for rich consumers supported by public funding who will buy some Netflix, some ChatGPT, some Chinese electric vehicles and solar panels along with American digital technology; or it can manufacture on its soil electric vehicles and be a stakeholder of AI.”

Even though rebuilding sovereignty over outsourced industry can seem a good plan, it is not a solution to climate change according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). 

Their reports underlined multiple times “that only a GDP non-growth/degrowth or post-growth approach enable reaching climate stabilisation below 2°C”.

Yet, producing less to emit less greenhouse effect gas is not that simple as the IPCC concludes “substantial challenges remain regarding political feasibility”.

“We need to act as Europeans”, says Macron. “The idea of a European power was seen as a French fad just five years ago.”

The French President has been relentless in saying Europe should defend its production, military and geopolitical capability. “Shared European investments in climate, defence and AI are at the heart of the upcoming European venture.”

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As Nahel is buried, Macron cancels trip to Germany

President Emmanuel Macron has scrapped an official trip to Germany after a fourth straight night of rioting in France.

Macron postpones trip to Germany

President Emmanuel Macron on Saturday scrapped an official trip to Germany after a fourth straight night of rioting and looting across France in defiance of a massive police deployment. Hundreds turned out for the burial of Nahel, a  17-year-old boy, whose killing by police triggered the unrest.

France’s Interior Ministry announced after Friday night’s violence that 1,311 people had been arrested and 45,000 police officers had fanned out in a so-far unsuccessful bid to restore order. On Tuesday, the fist night of the unrest, around 2,400 arrests had been made.

The protesters and rioters turned out on the streets of cities and towns, clashing with police, despite Macron’s appeal to parents to keep their children at home. About 2,500 fires were set and stores were ransacked, according to authorities.

The violence in France has damaging Macron’s diplomatic profile. German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier’s office said that Macron phoned on Saturday to request a postponement of what would have been the first state visit by a French president to Germany in 23 years. Macron had been scheduled to fly to Germany on Sunday evening for the visit to Berlin and two other German cities.

Macron’s office said he spoke with Steinmeier and, “given the internal security situation, the president (Macron) said he wishes to stay in France over the coming days.”

Given the importance of the French-German relationship on the European political scene, the scrapping of the official trip was a clear sign of the gravity of France’s unrest. Earlier this year, King Charles III cancelled his first foreign visit as U.K. monarch, initially planned for France, because of intense protests over Macron’s pension reform plans.

Nahel’s Funeral

Hundreds of mourners attended Nahel’s Saturday afternoon – his killing by a police officer has so far resulted in four nights of rioting in many urban areas across France.

Rituals to bid farewell to Nahel with a viewing of his open coffin by family and friends and ended with his burial in a hilltop cemetery in that town.

At the cemetery’s entrance, with central Paris visible in the distance, hundreds of people stood along the road to pay tribute to Nahel. The crowd carried his white casket above their heads and into the cemetery for the burial, which was barred to the media. Some of the men carried folded prayer rugs. Before the burial, prayers were held at a mosque.

Applause resounded as Nahel’s mother Mounia M., dressed in white, walked through the gate and toward the grave. Earlier in the week she told France 5 television that she was angry at the officer who shot her son, but not at the police in general.

“He saw a little Arab-looking kid, he wanted to take his life,” she said. “A police officer cannot take his gun and fire at our children, take our children’s lives,” she said. The family has roots in Algeria.

The police officer was given a preliminary charge of voluntary homicide, meaning that investigating magistrates strongly suspect wrongdoing, but need to investigate more before sending a case to trial. Nanterre prosecutor Pascal Prache said that his initial investigation led him to conclude that the officer’s use of his weapon wasn’t legally justified.

Nahel was shot dead during a traffic stop Tuesday in the Paris suburb of Nanterre. Video showed two officers at the window of the car, one with his gun pointed at the driver. As the teenager pulled forward, the officer fired once through the windshield.

Anger over Nahel’s death erupted in violence in Nanterre and in many major cities, including Paris, Marseille and Lyon – and even in French territories overseas) where a 54-year-old died after being hit by a stray bullet in French Guiana.

Hundreds of police and firefighters have been injured, including 79 overnight. Authorities haven’t released injury tallies for protesters.

Discrimination and deprivation

The reaction to the killing was a potent reminder of the persistent poverty, racial discrimination, unemployment and other lack of opportunity in neighbourhoods around France where many residents trace their roots to former French colonies – like where Nahel grew up.

“Nahel’s story is the lighter that ignited the gas. Hopeless young people were waiting for it. We lack housing and jobs, and when we have (jobs), our wages are too low,” said Samba Seck, a transportation worker in the Paris suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois.

Clichy was the birthplace of weeks of riots in 2005 that shook France, prompted by the deaths of two teenagers electrocuted in a power substation while fleeing from police. One of the boys lived in the same housing project as Seck.

Like many Clichy residents, he lamented the violence targeting his town, where the remains of a burned car stood beneath his apartment building, and the town hall entrance was set alight in rioting this week.

“Young people break everything, but we are already poor, we have nothing,” he said, adding that “young people are afraid to die at the hands of police.”

France’s national soccer team — including international star Kylian Mbappe, an idol to many young people in the disadvantaged neighbourhoods where the anger is rooted — pleaded for an end to the violence.

“Many of us are from working-class neighbourhoods, we too share this feeling of pain and sadness” over the killing of Nahel, the players said in a statement.

Early on Saturday, firefighters in Nanterre extinguished blazes set by protesters that left scorched remains of cars strewn across the streets. In the neighboring suburb Colombes, protesters overturned garbage bins and used them for makeshift barricades.

Looters during the evening broke into a gun shop and made off with weapons in the Mediterranean port city of Marseille, police said.

Buildings and businesses were also vandalised in the eastern city of Lyon, police said.

Despite the escalating crisis, Macron held off on declaring a state of emergency. But government ratcheted up its law enforcement response, with the mass deployment of police officers, including some who were called back from vacation.

The rioting puts new pressure on Macron, who blamed social media for fueling violence.

Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin has ordered a nationwide nighttime shutdown of all public buses and trams, which have been among rioters’ targets. He also said he warned social networks not to allow themselves to be used as channels for calls to violence.

“They were very cooperative,” Darmanin said, adding that French authorities were providing the platforms with information in hopes of cooperation identifying people inciting violence.

Thirteen people who didn’t comply with traffic stops were fatally shot by French police last year. This year, another three people, including Nahel, died under similar circumstances.

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Megabasins: solution or “insane” response to drought?

France finds itself at a tug-of-war between opponents to megabasins and the agricultural sector.

In the west of France, the Marais Poitevin, France’s second largest wetland, is the epicentre of the conflict surrounding water reservoirs for agricultural irrigation. Opponents of these gigantic reservoirs call them “basins” or “megabasins”.

Wherever these projects see the light of day, resistance is being organised against these reservoirs, which are accused of plundering groundwater resources.

Firstly, on the legal front, environmental associations have had several replacement reservoirs declared illegal because of inadequate impact studies; secondly, on the direct action front, with the sabotage of several of these reservoirs.

The final front was mass mobilisation. On 25 March 2023, for example, a banned demonstration in Sainte-Soline brought together between 6,000 and 30,000 people, and marked a historic turning point in the fight for access to water.

Firstly because of the scale of the project, and secondly because of the images of the clashes between the police and demonstrators, which left more than 200 demonstrators injured.

A few weeks later, we met up with Mathieu, an activist with “Bassines Non Merci”, in the Deux-Sèvres region of France. It’s no coincidence that the movement has moved towards more frontal methods:

“For four years, we’ve swept up all these possible fields of action, with mobilisations, conferences, round tables and public debates,” Mathieu explains.

“We can see that, despite this, dialogue is not possible and that the first projects are starting; effectively, at this point, there is also an evolution in our form of mobilisation,” he acknowledges. “But that doesn’t mean we can’t continue to call for a reopening of dialogue and a moratorium, because that’s the only way we think we can get out of this,” he says.

Joëlle Lallemand, the President of the APIEEE (Association de Protection, d’Information et d’Études de l’Eau et de son Environnement) gives us her point of view: “There are still preserved areas [in the Marais Poitevin], but they are shrinking because the trend everywhere for years has been to destroy wet meadows and replace them with corn,” she explains.

Jean-Jacques Guillet, spokesman for “Bassines Non Merci”, adds: “Before making basins, it would be better to restore these wetlands, which serve both to store water and to clean it up. If we have to find solutions to mitigate global warming in the future, the solution is not to put groundwater in the sun, but to do everything possible to put water back into the soil: that’s where it’s at its best, protected from light and pollution,” he points out.

In practical terms, a basin is a hole several hectares in size covered with strong and impermeable tarpaulin sheets. In these, water is stored to water farmland during the summer.

The special feature of these reservoirs is that they are filled by pumping from the water table during the winter months.

Although the system has been in existence for 40 years, it was not until 2007 that the first collective projects, supported by the State, saw the light of day. There are now more than a hundred such projects, both planned and completed, in the west of France.

François Pétorin is a director of the Coop de l’eau 79. This cooperative of 220 farms has a project for sixteen replacement reservoirs, covering an area that includes the Marais Poitevin and the rivers that feed it. Only one has been completed to date.

Eventually, the largest will be the Sainte-Soline reservoir, which the demonstrators detest, and which will have a capacity of over 600,000 m³ of water – the equivalent of 250 Olympic-sized swimming pools.

“I’m a farmer, producing cereals and seeds,” explains François Pétorin. “The project was prompted by the major droughts we had in 2005, 2007 and 2003, and the prefectoral decrees [issued] very early on that prohibited us from watering in spring and summer, so yields were penalised and catastrophic, even for wheat,” he adds.

“So today, water storage is one of the solutions that will enable us to maintain agriculture in the region,” he asserts.

But what kind of agriculture? This is the crux of the conflict surrounding the replacement reserves. Opponents advocate a more environmentally-friendly form of farming, based essentially on rainwater.

Opposing them are irrigated farmers, such as François Pétorin. Irrigated farming accounts for just 7% of French farmland, but uses more than half the water consumed in the country, particularly for growing cereals such as corn.

This irrigation is now under threat from the climate crisis and repeated droughts. Hence the idea of replacing water pumping in summer with pumping in winter, when water is, in theory, more abundant.

This is an idea actively supported by the public authorities, who are providing 70% of the total cost of the Coop de l’eau project, estimated at 76 million euros. By its promoters’ own admission, water storage is above all a way of getting round the rules limiting the use of water resources during periods of drought.

An exemption denounced by hydrologist Emma Haziza, who sees it not only as a form of water privatisation, but also as a danger to the entire ecosystem.

“If you want good agriculture, you need a fairly high water table,” Haziza explains. “The level of the water table has a direct impact on the quantity of water in the first layers of soil, what we call green water, but it also directly contributes water to all the springs and rivers, and if you cut off this exchange by taking this pocket of water and completely disconnecting it from the environment, you will not only collapse the water in the river more quickly, but all the living organisms behind it,” she warns.

According to this researcher, there is a scientific consensus that the basins risk exacerbating droughts and are ill-adapted to the climate crisis.

Unreliable data?

For their part, the Coop de l’eau 79 and the French government continue to support them, basing their position on a report by the French Geological and Mining Research Bureau (BRGM).

According to the report, replacement reserves would have a “limited impact” on groundwater and river flows. A report criticised by several experts and qualified by BRGM itself at a hearing in the French Senate. “We did not simulate the consequences of global warming, nor did we say that we could necessarily draw water in winter,” said Michèle Rousseau, President of BRGM.

“This study is based on data from 2001 to 2011, data that are totally obsolete because climate change is starting to be seen from 2016-2017 in France,” explained Haziza. “From then on, we’re going to start having non-winters and periods when our water tables are no longer recharged,” she says.

“In reality,” she continues, “it’s not even a solution, it’s not even a misadaptation, it’s becoming downright insane to move towards these solutions. And yet they are being implemented everywhere,” she laments.

Despite the protests, the French government is asserting the use of replacement reserves in its plan to implement the new Common Agricultural Policy: an envelope of €45 billion between 2023 and 2027 to support French agriculture.

An ‘interest’ of the European Commission

Since 2021, anti-pooling campaigners have taken their demands further, to the European level, in the form of a petition, accusing this type of reservoir of violating several European environmental directives.

While the European Commission acknowledges certain shortcomings and says it is taking this case very seriously, it is currently referring the matter to the French courts to ensure that the reservoirs comply with Community law.

Does this augur well for the extension of the basins and the tensions they generate to the rest of Europe?

At the end of April, as they do every month, the agriculture ministers of the 27 Member States met under the aegis of the Council of the European Union. It was their first meeting since the demonstration at Sainte-Soline.

“This is not something we have discussed at this Council, it was not on the agenda, but that may of course change,” Peter Kullgren, Sweden’s Minister for Rural Affairs acknowledged about megabasins in France. Janusz Wojciechowski, European Commissioner for Agriculture, added: “We are open to discussion on this proposal, which is interesting and worthy of consideration. Potential interest in ponds from Member States and the European Commission.

The weight of agricultural lobbies

What about the European Parliament? We put the question to the chairman of the Environment Committee, Frenchman Pascal Canfin, who says he supports the basins under certain conditions.

“A mega-basin may just be a headlong rush, but if it’s linked to changes in farmers’ practices, such as switching to crops that need less water, it’s a way of securing their transition,” he says.

However, according to this MEP, this transition faces a major obstacle – the European Parliament’s powerful Agriculture Committee.

“You have opposition to all the European texts that seek to encourage a change in agricultural practices, such as the text on pesticides, the one on nature restoration or the one on industrial emissions from livestock farming,” says the MEP from the Renew group.

For decades, agricultural lobbies have been defending the interests of the agro-industry, using food sovereignty and safety as their main argument.

At European level, the lobby that has the ear of the Agriculture Committee is COPA-COGECA.

According to a document from 2018, COPA-COGECA states that water storage “is the most important means of improving water security” and calls for “increased fiscal and financial support” and “a reduction in the administrative burden” to achieve this.

Marco Contiero, agricultural policy specialist at Greenpeace, is not at all surprised by this stance.

“The farmers who are protected and whose interests are at the heart of the work of COPA-COGECA and other lobbies do not represent the majority of farmers,” he says.

“They are a very small minority of larger, sometimes truly industrial, farms that are in fact responsible for most of the pollution,” he says.

“Yet a committee that is supposed to be looking after agriculture, of course, but that is also supposed to be helping the farming sector in this transition, is stubbornly defending the status quo, and that’s a problem!

A structural problem linked to the Common Agricultural Policy

But one man is trying to change things. Benoît Biteau is an agricultural engineer, the owner of an organic farm in France and one of the leading figures in the anti-bassin movement. He is also a Member of the European Parliament and Vice-Chairman of the Agriculture Committee. In his view, the agricultural transition is also coming up against a structural problem, linked to the allocation of financial aid.

“When you look at how public aid under the Common Agricultural Policy is distributed, 80% of the budget is taken up by the 20% largest structures,” points out the MEP for the Greens/European Free Alliance.

“The mechanism is that aid is given per unit area, so the more hectares you have, the more aid you get, and it’s precisely these large areas that are the biggest users of water,” he points out, before adding: “Public aid under the CAP does not sufficiently condition the reduction of pesticides and synthetic fertilisers, which disrupt soil fertility.

“So we are continuing to support agriculture that is moving away from restoring soil fertility, which is the answer, instead of agriculture that is more frugal in terms of consumption of pesticides, synthetic fertilisers and, of course, water,” he stresses.

“It’s not a systemic response” says the Executive Director of the European Environment Agency

According to the European Environment Agency, groundwater pollution in Europe is mainly caused by pesticides and chemical fertilisers. Agricultural irrigation is the biggest threat to groundwater levels.

As a result, almost a third of groundwater tables are struggling to meet the quantitative and qualitative requirements set out in European regulations. The Agency is therefore calling for the precautionary principle to be respected in strategies for adapting to the climate crisis. A principle that substitution reserves would not necessarily respect.

“This is not a systemic response: it’s a band-aid and it’s a band-aid that, on top of that, could disrupt and worsen the general state of the local environment and our ability to really adapt to the circumstances of climate change,” says Hans Bruyninckx, Executive Director of the European Environment Agency (2013-2023).

“Secondly, the basins are not economically feasible without substantial public subsidies, so it is questionable whether this is an economically realistic way of supporting agriculture,” he asks. “More than the precautionary principle, I don’t think this is the systemic response the farming system needs,” he says.

Yet a systemic change would be in the interests of many farmers. Between 2005 and 2020, 5,300,000 farms disappeared in Europe – that’s almost 1,000 farms a day. 87% of these were small farms of less than 5 hectares.

Faced with a climate crisis that our societies are making worse by the day, ponds have become the symbol of an agricultural model that illustrates the European Union’s difficulty in reconciling its environmental objectives with its economic priorities.

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How are protests against France’s pension reforms seen across Europe?

Europe has looked on in shock, confusion and admiration as France has taken to the streets over the country’s pension reform.

In March, a Belgian newspaper asked the question: “Aren’t these Gauls crazy?” in reference to the protests that have rocked France for months over the country’s controversial pension reform. 

And it was not the only newspaper to react strongly to the demonstrations. The British newspaper The Guardian said President Emmanuel Macron faced a “titanic battle” to pass the legislation in France. And in Italy, il Fatto Quotidiano questioned “Why don’t Italians take to the streets like in France?” 

The reforms, which passed into law last month, will push the minimum retirement age from 62 to 64 – sparking 13 national days of protest. 

Now, five years after the Yellow Vests protests which also fascinated the foreign press, Europeans are closely following what is happening in France and forming their own opinion on the movement. 

Euronews interviewed journalists from across the continent to understand how the French social movement is perceived in Europe. 

“Aren’t these Gauls crazy?”

“Aren’t they crazy to bring their country to a standstill, to let their capital city be buried under waste and to demonstrate continuously, while their government only intends to raise the legal age from 62 to…64?” 

The aggressive comments – which also gave an ironic nod to the French comic book character Asterix the Gaul – come alongside surprise as France’s northern neighbours looked on at the country’s intense protest. 

The current retirement age in Belgium is 65, and it is set to rise to 67 by 2030. Meaning, that in less than a decade, a worker will become a pensioner in Belgium five years after their counterpart in France.  

On the other side of the Rhine, the Germans are also finding it difficult to understand the anger in France, where pensioners are better off than they are. 

In Germany, not only do people retire later, but they also receive less money: €1,100 a month in Germany compared to €1,400 in France, according to the Ministry of Solidarity. 

“There has even been a debate for several years about the financial viability of the pension system, and companies have been lobbying for the age to be raised from 67 to 68. However, to date, no one has taken to the streets,” a journalist from Euronews’ German service explained.

And even though the magazine Der Spiegel reported “Macron wants to pass his reform without a vote” on 16 March – a reference to the president passing the law through Article 49.3 of the Constitution – France is perceived in Germany “as almost irreformable and the French as resistant to change”. 

But elsewhere on the continent, protests in France have also become a source of inspiration.

‘Protesting like the French’

“Time to protest the UK Government like the French would,” said the Scottish daily The National a few weeks ago, while the English newspaper The Telegraph said, “When it comes to pensions, we should be more like the French”.

These headlines come as the UK has also been shaken by a wave of walk-outs described as “the biggest the UK has seen in decades”. 

On 1 February, half a million workers from across the country went on strike to protest the cost of living and demand a pay rise – causing school closures and transport disruption. 

But while the strikes have been some of the largest the UK has seen in recent years, in France, demonstrating is seen as almost a tradition, according to the Dubai-based newspaper The National

A habit so deeply rooted in the country’s political culture that “French governments expect citizens to protest and French citizens do not hesitate to express their disappointment in the streets.” This massive mobilisation also impressed a writer in The Guardian, who said that the protests were sending “a strong message to the rest of Europe, as politicians across the continent mull over similar reforms”, and even described the recent outbursts as a true “art of French protest”.

This is a message well received in Bucharest where, in recent months, Romanians have repeatedly gone to the streets to fight against corruption and defend farmers threatened by the influx of Ukrainian grain. And all over Eastern Europe, people are watching the situation in France unfold, particularly when it comes to mobilising the public. “The protest in France often serves as an example for Romanians to organise their own struggles and encourage other strikers to join the ranks,” Andra Diaconescu, editor-in-chief of Euronews Romania, explained. 

‘The prevailing feeling in Bulgaria is sympathy’

In neighbouring Bulgaria, the strikes in France are gaining attention because it reflects the country’s own situation. The country’s lawmakers are currently calling for raising the retirement age to 65 by 2037, a jump from the benchmark of 62 for women and 64 for men. 

“The prevailing feeling here is sympathy. Bulgarians generally support the French demonstrators and their desire to defend their rights, while denouncing the violence,” Marina Stoimenova, the editor-in-chief of Euronews Bulgaria, said. 

But the images of clashes between the police and the demonstrators have also shocked many Europeans, especially the Portuguese, as the newspaper Diário de Notícias explained on 3 April. “These acts of vandalism never help the struggle and even harm the image of the movement,” it wrote. 

Scenes of violence are impossible in Portugal, according to The Daily, which compared the anger of the French to that of the Portuguese, who have also been demonstrating for several months to denounce the rising cost of living.

But if the French social movement is highly publicised in Europe, the Portuguese protests are gaining less attention. According to Diario de Noticias, one of the reasons for this is France’s militancy and the ability of unions to convince and mobilise workers, and thus make the movement last. 

In Italy, however, people had their eyes glued on the French social conflict.

‘Why don’t Italians take to the streets like in France?’

“But why [don’t these protests] happen to us?” asked a journalist in Il Fatto Quotidiano. “Here, when the retirement age was raised to 67 in 2011, the strike lasted four hours,” he explained. The answer may lie in Italy’s past, a country marked by years of terrorism that no longer dares to venture into the field of protest.

“What’s the point, given the political instability and the speed with which governments come and go,” a journalist from the daily Today Italy wondered. Especially since the Italians, he explained, have rarely won, unlike the French, who have won the battle of the streets on several occasions. 

In 1995, for example, France’s first pension reform was withdrawn by Alain Juppé’s government because of demonstrations. In 2006, mobilisations pushed Jacques Chirac to hold off from implementing his government’s “contrat première embauche” [CPE], which would have made it easier to fire people under the age of 26. 

But some Italians are no longer content to just watch the French, following them onto the streets on 23 March to support their neighbours. 

In front of the French embassy in Rome and consulates in several other cities, demonstrations took place at the call of the Italian trade union USB [Unione Sindacale di Base]. They will be protesting again this 1 May, like the French, but this time to demonstrate against the government of Giorgia Meloni and defend Italian workers.

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