‘A cold cell for being a journalist’: Husband of US-Russian national Alsu Kurmasheva calls for her release

Alsu Kurmasheva is a dual US-Russian citizen and journalist who has been detained by Russia since October 18, charged with failing to register as a “foreign agent” despite having travelled to Russia for a family emergency. She faces up to five years in prison if convicted. Her husband has called for the State Department to designate her as “wrongfully detained”. “She is a US citizen and has the same rights as any US citizen,” he says.

Alsu Kurmasheva’s arrest is the most egregious instance to date of the abusive use of Russia’s foreign agents’ legislation against independent press,” the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) said in an October statement on her case.

Russia’s expanded law on foreign agents, which now vaguely defines them as anyone “under foreign influence”, has come under fire from human rights groups and media organisations since it entered into force on December 1, 2022. The law’s previous iteration required prosecutors to prove a “foreign agent” had received financial or other material assistance from abroad; the new measures give authorities much greater latitude.

Kurmasheva, an editor with the Tatar-Bashkir Service of US-funded broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) – sister station to Voice of America – lives in Prague with her husband and two teenage daughters. She traveled to Kazan, the capital of Russia’s Tatarstan, on May 20 to visit her ailing mother. She was awaiting her flight home at Kazan airport on June 2 when her name was called out over the loudspeaker. Authorities briefly took her into custody and confiscated both her US and Russian passports, preventing her from leaving the country.  

“At that point she wasn’t a suspect, but they took both passports and her phone,” said her husband, Pavel Butorin. “It wasn’t until a couple of days later that she was charged with not registering her US passport,” which is now a criminal offense in Russia. 

Kurmasheva completed the necessary paperwork but was made to remain in Kazan for the next four months, when she was eventually fined 10,000 rubles (about $105) on October 11 for failing to register her passport initially. She was still awaiting the return of her travel documents on October 18 when “big men in black” came to her door and took her away, Butorin said. 

She has been in detention ever since. 

No official word from Russia

Kurmasheva was formally charged on October 26 with the much more serious offence of failing to register as a foreign agent under the expanded law. If convicted, she faces up to five years in prison. 

A Russian court ordered late last month that Kurmasheva remain in detention until December 5. 

“This offense that she has been charged with is not a violent crime,” Butorin said. “But the judge denied the request for house arrest pending trial.” 

The decision to charge her under the foreign agent statute is all the more surprising because she was travelling not as a journalist but on a family-related matter, he said. 

“She was there in her personal capacity on what was supposed to be a short trip, two weeks at the most, to help her mom.”

He suspects there is a “clear connection” between Kurmasheva’s detention and her role as a journalist, notably since Russia has designated the Tatar-Bashkir Service for which she works as a “foreign agent” media organisation. Much of her career, however, has focused on advancing Tatar language and culture

“She’s not an agent of any government, certainly not an agent of the US government,” Butorin said. “She’s a journalist. And we want her released as soon as possible.”

Butorin, who also works in media, is director of Current Time, RFE/RL’s 24-hour Russian-language TV and digital news platform. 

He said he hopes the State Department will see fit to designate Kurmasheva as a “wrongfully detained person”, which would allow her case to be transferred to the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs (SPEHA), unlocking both US resources and expertise. SPEHA was involved in the release of both Basketball star Brittney Griner and Marine veteran Trevor Reed from Russian detention last year.

A State Department spokesperson said it is “closely following” Kurmasheva’s detention and is continuing to push for consular access, but that “Russian authorities have not yet responded to our requests”.

Moreover, the State Department said it has “not yet been officially notified by the Russian Government of her detention”.

Asked whether Kurmasheva’s dual nationality was complicating her case, the spokesperson noted only that Russia is among the nations that may refuse to acknowledge the US citizenship of a dual national.

“Many countries do not recognize dual nationality” even if they do not expressly prohibit it, the spokesperson said in an email.

As a result, some “do not grant access to … US nationals in detention if they are also nationals of the country where they are detained”. 

Calls to #FreeAlsu have been making the rounds on social media. © Courtesy RFE/RL

Cold and overcrowded

Since Russia’s law on foreign agents first came into effect in 2012, Moscow has used it to punish government critics including civil society groups, rights NGOs, media outlets and activists. Russia has also been accused of detaining Americans simply to use them as bargaining chips in exchange for Russians held by the United States: Griner’s freedom was traded for that of notorious arms dealer Viktor Bout.

Kurmasheva has been granted access to a lawyer but not visits or phone calls with her family, although her husband said she has been allowed to exchange (censored) letters with them over the prison’s official online system, “a paid system that takes only Russian cards”.

Only some of the conditions of her detention are known. Her prison is likely overcrowded and is certainly cold, Butorin said, noting that it is currently near 0°C (32°F) in Kazan and that Kurmasheva is not allowed to receive extra blankets from family or friends. 

“We’ve been without Alsu for close to six months now,” he said. “It’s a very unsettling situation.” 

As “free-thinking, independent girls”, his daughters are also struggling with the harsh reality of their mother’s plight. 

“It’s hard for them to comprehend that their mother is being held in a cold Russian prison cell just for being a journalist.”

Nevertheless, they are looking to the future.

“We have Taylor Swift tickets for the Eras Tour, and we have a ticket with Alsu’s name on it,” Butorin said. “I want us to go together as a family.” 

Alsu Kurmasheva has been held in Russian detention since October 18, 2023.
Alsu Kurmasheva has been held in Russian detention since October 18, 2023. © Pavel Butorin courtesy RFE/RL

Harassment of US citizens

“This appears to be another case of the Russian government harassing US citizens,” State Department spokesman Matt Miller said in October of Kurmasheva’s detention.   

Numerous US lawmakers, the UN human rights office, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the president of the European Parliament are among the international bodies demanding she be freed. 

Butorin said he would like to see Muslim nations joining these calls, given that Kurmasheva is a proud Tatar, part of a predominantly Muslim, Turkic-speaking minority in Russia.  

“I would very much like to see more involvement notably from Turkey, given Alsu’s Turkic origins, as well as the involvement of other Muslim nations in lobbying for her release,” he said. 

Media organisations have also joined the calls for her freedom. “We urge the U.S. government to immediately designate Alsu Kurmasheva’s imprisonment as an unlawful and wrongful detention. The Biden administration is taking too long to make this important designation,” the National Press Club said in a statement last week. 

Kurmasheva is the second US journalist currently being held by Russia, after Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich was detained on espionage charges in March – the first time Russia had accused a US journalist of spying since the Cold War.

The State Department classified Gershkovich as “wrongfully detained” in April. 

 




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How Indian authorities ‘weaponised’ a New York Times report to target the press

NewsClick, a defiantly critical news site, has been in the Indian government’s sights over the past few years. But there was little to show after extensive financial probes – until the New York Times published a report which enabled Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration to use the press to attack the press. 

Shortly after breakfast time on Tuesday, October 3, Paranjoy Guha Thakurta was outside his home in Gurgaon, a suburb of the Indian capital New Delhi, seeing his son off for the day when the police showed up at his place.

“Nine cops arrived at 6:30 in the morning,” recounted the renowned investigative journalist and writer in a phone interview with FRANCE 24. “I was surprised. I asked them, why have you come? They said, we want to ask you a few questions.”

True to their word, the police did have relatively few questions. But they were repeated over 12 hours at two venues, according to Guha Thakurta.  

After around two hours of questioning at his Gurgaon home, the veteran journalist was taken to the Delhi police’s Special Cell – the Indian capital’s counter-terrorism unit – and questioned again before he emerged around 6:30pm local time to a phalanx of news camera teams.


Guha Thakurta was among 46 people questioned during sweeping media raids that dominated the national news cycle, made international headlines, and sparked a series of condemnations from press freedom groups across the world.

The crackdown targeted NewsClick, an independent news site founded in 2009 known for its hard-hitting coverage of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist policies. The list of those questioned included the NewsClick’s founder-editor, staff, former staffers, and freelance writers, as well as non-journalist contributors such as activists, a historian and a stand-up comedian. The police seized computers, mobile phones and documents during the raids. 

After an entire day of questioning, NewsClick’s founder-editor Prabir Purkayastha and human resources chief Amit Chakravarthy were arrested under the country’s draconian Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), also known as the “anti-terror law” in India. The two men remain in custody while the others were released by Tuesday night. NewsClick’s New Delhi office has been shut down and put under a police seal.

Since Modi came to power in 2014, India has been nosediving in the international press freedom rankings, settling at 161 out of 180 countries on the 2023 Reporters Without Borders index. Some high-profile cases of media clampdowns make the news; many more pass unnoticed outside human rights circles.

Read moreAmid threats, Indian TV anchor battles on, but for how long?

What makes the latest raids noteworthy though is that they are linked to a New York Times report on a global network receiving funds from US tech billionaire Neville Roy Singham, allegedly to publish Chinese propaganda. NewsClick was one of the news organisations named as funding recipient. The report did not suggest the Indian news site had committed any crime.

NewsClick has denied the allegations in the report. The news site maintains that it does not publish any news or information at the behest of any Chinese entity, nor does it take directions from Singham on its content. A police investigation into the site’s alleged Chinese funding is currently underway.

In its report, “A Global Web of Chinese Propaganda Leads to a U.S. Tech Mogul”, the New York Times unravelled a shadowy network allegedly propagating Chinese government talking points by funding left-leaning organisations across the globe via US NGOs. “Years of research have shown how disinformation, both homegrown and foreign-backed, influences mainstream conservative discourse. Mr. Singham’s network shows what that process looks like on the left,” noted the US daily. 

But in India, the process of press clampdowns and intimidation of the left looks very different. 

Years of assaults on liberal democratic values under the Modi administration have been propelled by a government discourse that vilifies dissenters as treasonous “anti-nationals”. 

The labelling of journalists, academics, activists and opposition figures includes vague associations, without evidence, to minor Maoist peasant uprisings in rural India. Disgraced dissenters are then booked under repressive anti-terror laws bereft of basic safeguards, according to international rights groups.

On the international stage, though, many of the violations pass unnoticed – or more precisely, unmentioned – since India is viewed in the West as a counterweight to China.

With the Ukraine war exposing splits between the so-called Global North and South, the focus in many Western capitals is on disinformation networks that lead to Moscow and Beijing. This is particularly marked as the US heads to the polls in 2024 with Donald Trump as the front-runner for the Republican nomination.

But India is also heading to critical general elections next year. As Modi makes a bid for a third term, there are fears that his campaign will once again instrumentalise deteriorating ties with a neighbouring country to whip up a nationalist wave. In an ironic twist, the Modi government’s weaponisation of a report by a leading US daily – functioning under press freedoms enshrined in a mature democracy – is now threatening the very values that the West professes to uphold.

Same questions asked again – and again

The scale and planning of Tuesday’s raids sent an immediate signal across India that the state’s investigation of NewsClick – which has dragged on for more than two years without any charges – had gone up a notch.

“What happened is unprecedented. We’ve seen the police take coordinated action across the national capital region and also outside Delhi. Literally hundreds of police participated, they were summoned very early in the morning or probably late the previous night,” said Guha Thakurta.

The police’s questions appeared to show little understanding of the role of journalists in a democracy. “I was asked if I was an employee of NewsClick. I said no, I’m a consultant,” he explained.

The veteran journalist was then asked if he had covered a series of recent anti-government protests, including a farmers’ strike and demonstrations against a controversial citizenship law. “They were very polite. But the fact is, they kept asking the same set of questions. They were asked by different people, different officials, at various levels,” recounted Guha Thakurta.

Condemnations from press rights groups followed immediately, with the Press Club of India saying it was “deeply concerned” over the raids and the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists calling it “an act of sheer harassment and intimidation”.

Paranjoy Guha Thakurta (L) speaks to writer Arundhati Roy (R) and Aproorvanand, a Delhi University professor (centre) during a protest at Press Club of India in New Delhi on October 4, 2023. © Altaf Qadri, AP

In Washington DC, a State Department spokesperson was asked if the US was aware of concerns about NewsClick’s China ties alleged by the New York Times.

“We are aware of those concerns and have seen that reporting,” Vedant Patel told reporters, adding that he could not comment on the veracity of the claims. “Separately,” he noted, “the US government strongly supports the robust role of the media globally, including social media, in a vibrant and free democracy, and we raise concerns on these matters with the Indian government, with countries around the world.”

There are no known legal proceedings in the US against Singham based on the New York Times report. In India, commentators note that even if the funding allegations against NewsClick turn out to be true, any Chinese funding of an investment by a listed US company in a business venture is legal.

Social media sites meanwhile are awash with links to news reports on Modi’s private fund, the PM CARES Fund, receiving funding from Chinese companies.

Investigating Adani and stories untouched by Indian media

The questioning of NewsClick freelancers, editorial consultants and contributors – who are not responsible for funding or financial decisions – has raised eyebrows, since many have done in-depth reporting on issues that are either ignored or superficially covered by the country’s mainstream media.

Guha Thakurta, for instance, is considered one of India’s leading, and certainly bravest, investigative journalists. A former editor of the once-prestigious policy journal Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), Guha Thakurta resigned from the post in 2017 following differences with the publisher after he co-authored an article on the Adani Group.

The conglomerate, led by Modi-ally Gautam Adani, was the subject of a high-profile investigation by US-based short-seller Hindenburg Research, which accused the group of using opaque funds to invest in its own stocks. The company denies any wrongdoing. Adani denies any improper relationship with the Indian prime minister.

Guha Thakurta was the only Indian journalist whose work was mentioned in the Hindenburg report. The 68-year-old journalist is also the author of the book, “Gas Wars: Crony Capitalism and the Ambanis”, which investigated irregularities by the Ambani business dynasty, which also has close links to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

“Paranjoy [Guha Thakurta] is the only person in the Indian media doing any serious investigation of the Adani Group,” said Kavita Krishnan, a women’s rights activist and former leader of a leftist political party. “He has nothing to do with Chinese propaganda. He was questioned because he’s refusing to be a propagandist for the Indian government.”

Krishnan was under the spotlight last year when she wrote an article chastising the Indian left for supporting Modi’s neutral position on the Ukraine war. In her latest piece, published on Friday, Krishnan slammed the New York Times for failing to provide context in its coverage and ignoring her warnings that the Modi administration would use the Chinese funding allegations to crack down on NewsClick.

In its response to Krishnan’s article, published in independent Indian news site Scroll, the New York Times said it “published a thoroughly reported story showing the [Singham] network’s ties to Chinese interests. We would find it deeply troubling and unacceptable if any government were to use our reporting as an excuse to silence journalists.”

Krishnan is not mollified by the response. “The New York Times story is being weaponised by the Indian government,” explained Krishnan. “Because it’s the New York Times, the government is able to ride on its credibility to create a hysteria, a frenzy that this is evidence of journalists funded by China.”

Funding probes give way to terrorism questioning

The terrorist allegations following Tuesday’s raids are a new, disturbing twist to the Indian state’s ongoing NewsClick probes.

Since 2021, the news site has been investigated by numerous government agencies, including the finance ministry’s Enforcement Directorate (ED), the Delhi police’s Economic Offences Wing and the income tax department. 

After more than two years, none of the enforcement agencies have filed money laundering complaints or legal charges against NewsClick.

By invoking the anti-terror UAPA in its NewsClick investigations, the government has increased its capacity to legally harass and silence a small, underfunded news site, according to experts.

But in a statement released after the raids, NewsClick vowed to keep up the fight to survive. “We have full faith in the courts and the judicial process. We will fight for our journalistic freedom and our lives in accordance with the Constitution of India,” said the organisation.

‘The China connection’

As the NewsClick case looks set to go into the courts, the ruling BJP is already scoring political points off the controversy.

The politicisation started just days after the New York Times report was published, when a BJP parliamentarian claimed, without providing evidence, that China was financing NewsClick as well as the opposition Congress party.

On Tuesday, as the police were rounding up Guha Thakurta and dozens of others, the BJP was already linking NewsClick with Congress party leader Rahul Gandhi.

“Chinese Gandhi” said a BJP post on X (formerly known as Twitter) displaying overlapping circles representing the opposition party, NewsClick and China.

The instrumentalisation of the China allegations comes amid setbacks in India-China ties after Xi Jinping skipped the G20 summit hosted by New Delhi last month.

Anti-China sentiment is rising exponentially in India, according to the Pew Research Center, firing up a Hindu nationalist base that does not take kindly to signs of New Delhi’s weakness on foreign policy. In the lead-up to India’s last general elections in 2019, Indian air strikes on Pakistan just months before the vote swept Modi to a landmark victory.

Krishnan hopes the China funding allegations do not turn into an election issue ahead of the 2024 vote. “I trust that the Modi government will not succeed in using this in its favour as an election issue because everyone in India can see is that this is an unprecedented crackdown on journalism,” she said. “I think the election issue will be the crackdown on journalists, and not allegations of China funding.”



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France’s Murdoch? Right-wing media swoop threatens ‘pillar of French democracy’

The shock appointment of a far-right editor to run one of France’s best-known mainstream newspapers has sparked calls for urgent steps to protect the pluralism and independence of the French press, while underscoring a sharp rightwards shift of the country’s media landscape under billionaire Vincent Bolloré.

Since June 22, journalists at the Journal du Dimanche – known as the JDD – have voted daily to down tools in an unprecedented strike action that has kept France’s best-known Sunday paper off the shelves for the first time in its 75-year history.

The walkout by more than 95% of staff followed the appointment of Geoffroy Lejeune, the former editor-in-chief of a far-right magazine that was convicted of publishing racist hate speech under his tenure.

Lejeune, 34, was officially tapped by the JDD’s owner Arnaud Lagardère, though his nomination is widely seen as the work of billionaire Vincent Bolloré, France’s most dreaded corporate raider, whose takeover of the Lagardère Group won the conditional support of EU regulators in June.

Following the appointment, eight former editors of the JDD wrote a letter blasting a “provocation and proof that the far right is taking hold in the media”. They expressed outrage that the identity of the paper was being “erased” by Bolloré, who has a track record of gutting staff and overhauling the editorial line at the news outlets he has purchased in recent years.

Almost three weeks into the strike, the beleaguered newsroom has appealed to President Emmanuel Macron to take a stand, framing the tussle at the JDD as part of a wider battle for press freedom.

“When the JDD, the newspaper of temperance and balance, goes on strike, it means the situation is truly bleak,” they wrote in a letter to Macron on Saturday, pleading with the government not to let their paper “die in silence”.

They added: “Beyond the JDD, what is at stake is the independence of the press and the journalists who produce it – a pillar of democracy.”

‘Hateful attacks and fake news’

Staff at the JDD have described Lejeune’s appointment as a negation of the paper’s values of moderation and journalistic rigour, pointing to his close ties with far-right political figures and his record at the helm of the arch-conservative weekly Valeurs Actuelles.

“Under Geoffroy Lejeune, Valeurs Actuelles spread hateful attacks and fake news,” the paper’s union of journalists wrote in a statement at the start of the strike. “We refuse to let the JDD follow this path.”

Staff at the Journal du Dimanche stand outside the newspaper’s building in Paris on July 5, 2023, the 13th day of their strike. © Alain Jocard, AFP

In his press release announcing Lejeune’s appointment on June 23, Lagardère praised a “raw talent of French journalism (…) with a mission to embody journalistic excellence: namely facts, investigation and the duty to inform” – a description labelled an “oxymoron” by French daily Le Monde, which argued that the young editor had “taken radical opinion journalism to the extreme”.

During his time at Valeurs Actuelles, Lejeune boosted the weekly’s notoriety by pushing provocative headlines and caustic attacks on politicians and intellectuals. In 2021, the magazine was found guilty of racist hate speech after it published a fictional story and cartoons depicting a Black MP as a slave in chains.

The paper’s staples are immigration, crime, Islamism and the plight of white males. Its preferred targets include “woke” teachers, liberal elites and the likes of Jewish financier George Soros.

In the run up to last year’s presidential election, Lejeune endorsed the extreme-right candidate Eric Zemmour, formerly a star pundit at Bolloré’s television channels. He is also a close friend of Marion Maréchal, the niece of far-right leader Marine Le Pen, who ditched her aunt’s National Rally party last year to support Zemmour’s presidential run instead.

All of which makes him anathema to the JDD’s striking newsroom, which noted that Valeurs Actuelles’ own shareholders had described Lejeune as “too pro-Zemmour” upon firing him last month.

“Our newspaper has always strived to remain impartial and apolitical, offering a platform to both left and right,” said Bertrand Gréco, a JDD journalist for the past 26 years and a union representative.

“This nomination implies a radical change of editorial line,” Gréco added. “It means a newspaper recognised for its informative content will become an opinion paper – and one that spreads not just any opinion, since Lejeune is a champion of the far right.”

The Murdoch parallel

The JDD’s weekly sales of around 140,000 belie an outsize influence in a country where few newspapers top the 100,000 mark.

The title’s prime position as the only nationwide Sunday paper has long made it the go-to outlet for politicians eager to tout a new policy, bill or election run. It also makes it a prize catch for Bolloré, a corporate raider whose transport, media and advertising empire stretches across Europe and Africa.

A deeply conservative Catholic from Brittany, in western France, Bolloré has been gradually expanding his media assets to take in TV channels, the magazine Paris Match, radio station Europe 1 and latterly the JDD.

After acquiring news channel iTélé, part of the Canal+ group, he provoked a record strike of 31 days in 2016, got rid of most of the staff and turned it into a conservative platform that critics have dubbed “France’s Fox News”.

That platform, renamed CNews, “is no longer a news channel – it’s an opinion channel”, said Pauline Ades-Mevel, chief editor at the media freedom group Reporters Without Borders (RSF), who previously worked for iTéléShe described the turmoil at the JDD as an “aftershock of what has already happened at the other media organisations taken over by Bolloré.”

Read morePushing far-right agenda, French news networks shape election debate

Bolloré’s aggressive expansion into media has prompted comparisons with media mogul Rupert Murdoch, whose myriad news outlets in Australia, Britain and the United States have fundamentally altered the media and political landscapes of those countries.

Historian David Colon, a professor at Sciences-Po Paris who has written a book about Murdoch’s media empire, pointed to parallels between the tycoons’ respective holdings, most notably in the synergy between publishing houses, newspapers, radio stations and television networks.

“When it comes to media concentration, the key factor is not the number of titles you own or the size of their readership, but rather the diversity of the mediums,” he explained. “It’s this cross-ownership that allows you to set the agenda and rapidly influence public debate.”

In both cases, Colon pointed to a clear intent to push the debate in a socially conservative direction. Unlike Bolloré, however, Murdoch “would never allow his personal convictions to take precedence over the commercial success of his ventures”, Colon cautioned – whereas the losses posted by the French tycoon’s media assets suggest their motive is primarily ideological.

‘Concerns us all’

The tycoon’s purported ideological objectives have prompted mounting alarm among academics, politicians and other public figures, many of whom have voiced support for the strike action at France’s flagship Sunday paper.

“For the first time in France since the (post-war) liberation, a large national media will be run by a far-right personality. This is a dangerous precedent which concerns us all,” said an open-letter to Le Monde signed by hundreds of figures including actor Mathieu Amalric, writer Leïla Slimani, rapper and producer JoeyStarr and Paris mayor Anne Hidalgo.

Lejeune’s appointment “heralds the kind of forced transformation that Bolloré is accustomed to”, the letter added, citing the “brutal measures” enacted at his other media assets.

Another op-ed, signed by Nobel literature laureate Annie Ernaux and a host of prominent academics, urged legislators to put in place a legal framework that ensures “journalists are able to work independently – and, in particular, independently of the wishes of their shareholders”.

Alone among Macron’s ministers, Culture Minister Rima Abdul Malak voiced her concern at Lejeune’s nomination in a tweet posted shortly after his appointment, which prompted a flurry of racist slurs levelled at the French-Lebanese dual national.

“Legally speaking, the JDD can become what it wants, as long as it respects the law,” she wrote. “But for our Republic’s values, how can you not be alarmed?”


The fact that shareholders can “legally” impose their choice of editors is at the very heart of the problem, according to Daphné Ronfard of the media advocacy group Un Bout des Médias. She blamed a lax legal framework, the bulk of which dates back to 1986, for allowing the likes of Bolloré to concentrate media resources and dictate their will.

“We need a new framework that can limit concentration and guarantee the independence of journalists, which is crucial to democracy,” Ronfard explained. “Editorial content should not be shaped by shareholders with political motives – which, in Bolloré’s case, are all too obvious.”

Her association has come up with a series of proposals designed to ensure journalists have their say on the appointment of editors, which it hopes to push once the government convenes long-awaited consultations on freedom of information in France – a pledge from Macron’s re-election campaign last year.

Pandora’s box

In the run-up to the 2022 presidential race, the French Senate played host to a circus of billionaires appearing in turn to deny the obvious: that ownership of France’s main private media outlets buys them influence and protects their interests.

Bolloré was the first to testify before a parliamentary committee tasked with investigating concentration in the media. True to form, he struck a faux-naïf tone as he belittled his television assets and denied any political motive behind his multiple purchases in the media.

“I have no power to appoint people to these channels,” he swore when quizzed about his role in the many resignations and high-profile firings that rattled the Canal+ media group following his takeover in 2015. He added: “Some journalists have left, others have returned. It’s like the ocean tide, back home in Brittany.”

Regarding CNews and its rolling coverage of Zemmour’s presidential run, Bolloré flatly denied it pursued any “ideological agenda”.

Eric Zemmour, a far-right pundit and former presidential candidate, dominated media coverage in the run-up to the 2022 campaign.
Eric Zemmour, a far-right pundit and former presidential candidate, dominated media coverage in the run-up to the 2022 campaign. © Thomas Samson, AFP

Much like Valeurs Actuelles, CNews has positioned itself as a straight-talking alternative to mainstream media stifled by political correctness, claiming to serve the French public what it really wants: stories on crime, immigration and Islam. Critics, however, say the channel has repeatedly violated the terms of a licensing agreement that applies to France’s four free-to-air news networks, requiring them to provide balanced coverage.

Zemmour’s sulphurous statements have resulted in multiple convictions for inciting hate speech and repeatedly landed CNews in hot water. In 2021, France’s broadcast regulator fined CNews €200,000 for speech inciting racial hatred after Zemmour branded child migrants “thieves, murderers and rapists”. Arcom, the regulator, has also admonished the network for failing to ensure political balance in its broadcasting.

The punishment amounted to too little too late, according to former Arcom member Joseph Daniel, who argued in a scathing op-ed that the regulator had repeatedly missed opportunities to flag and sanction the network’s failure to respect public broadcasting rules.

By allowing CNews to become an “opinion channel”, Daniel wrote at the time, “(Arcom) opened a dangerous pandora’s box for news networks that are freely available to the public and constitute a key element of our democracy.”

‘Hurting democracy’

Arcom’s failure to crack down hard on CNews mirrors a wider complacency by French authorities regarding media regulations, said Sciences-Po’s Colon, who voiced dismay at the government’s reluctance to wade into the battle for the JDD.

He pointed to a French specificity in the provision of public subsidies for newspapers, a long-established tradition intended to safeguard the democratic role of a vibrant press. Those subsidies, he argued, give the French state a certain leverage to ensure press freedom is preserved.

“The state would be perfectly entitled to make public subsidies conditional on compliance with a certain number of basic principles of journalistic ethics and deontology,” he explained, adding that shareholders “should not be allowed to impose an editor who is rejected by 97% of staff”.

“We’re talking about public money: Should it be used to serve the political whims of a billionaire or to defend quality journalism in the service of the general interest?” he asked. “The answer to that question is of fundamental importance to our democracy.”

On Sunday, Macron’s Education Minister Pap Ndiaye stepped into the fray by stating his support for the JDD strikers and arguing that a “manifest far-right bias” at CNews was “hurting democracy”. That in turn triggered a barrage of criticism from the right and far-right, which accused the minister of undermining media pluralism and being out of touch with a public that has itself shifted to the right.

The latter argument is missing the point of the dispute roiling the Journal du Dimanche, said Ades-Mevel of Reporters Without Borders.

“Of course all political stripes should be represented in the media, but that is not what Bolloré is up to. He is taking over mainstream publications to use them as channels for his agenda,” she explained.

“We’re not arguing that the far right is not entitled to a newspaper,” added the JDD’s Gréco. “What we’re saying is that they shouldn’t come grab an existing paper that has its own history, journalists and values.”



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Former correspondents in Russia call for release of journalist Evan Gershkovich

“We call on the Russian authorities to drop these charges and immediately release Evan Gershkovich.” Instigated by Elena Volochine, a FRANCE 24 reporter and Shaun Walker, The Guardian’s correspondent in Central and Eastern Europe, 301 former correspondents in Russia, from 22 different countries, signed an open letter published on April 24 and addressed to Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov to demand Gershkovich’s release. Accused of espionage and incarcerated in Russia since March 30, the 31-year-old US journalist could face between 10 to 20 years in prison if convicted.

A collective of journalists and members of Russian civil society also called for the liberation of Gershkovich in a letter published on April 4 by the independent news website Meduza.

“What is happening to Evan could have happened to any of us”, said Volochine, who reported in Russia between 2012 and 2022. “This reminds me of my worst nightmares. The Russian leaders live in a parallel reality, and those who look for the truth on the war in Ukraine are considered traitors or spies. I felt an increase in these kinds of speeches since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, and this is what led me to leave the country. Russian leaders need to hear us and know the entire world is watching them.”

Gershkovich’s plight brings these journalists back in time, reminding them of what they thought was a bygone era. “I signed this letter because I myself had been accused of espionage by the Soviet Union, which was completely false,” said Nicolas Miletitch, an AFP correspondent in Moscow from 1978 until he was expelled in 1981. “The USSR expelled me, accusing me of being an agent of the CIA, of an intelligence service, of an anti-Soviet organisation whose name I never heard and French intelligence services all at the same time. These accusations were false, of course, and I have strong reason to believe that those against Evan Gershkovich are also false.”

On the other hand, Miletitch did help the resistance movement in the USSR by leaving the Soviet Union with samizdat works banned by the regime to circulate them in the West. He also contributed Maggi cubes and multivitamin tablets to an organisation that provided aid to political prisoners. His supplies were sent to prisoners in the Gulag.

The US journalist Jeff Trimble, who arrived a few years later in Moscow to manage the local office of the magazine U.S. News & World Report between 1986 and 1991, also experienced a similar situation.

“I arrived in Moscow in 1986 to replace Nick Daniloff, the former bureau chief, who had been accused of espionage and arrested by the Soviet authorities”, Trimble said. “I want to do everything in my power to release Evan and support journalists working in Russia today in circumstances far more difficult and threatening than those I faced myself in the final years of the Soviet Union.”

These memories from another time resonate with a sinister echo today: Gershkovich is the first American journalist imprisoned in Russia since the Cold War.

We have all worked in Russia as foreign correspondents, some for a few months, others for decades. We are shocked and appalled by the arrest of our colleague Evan Gershkovich and the charges brought against him.

Evan Gershkovich has a long and impressive record of journalistic work. We have no doubt that the only purpose and intention of his work was to inform his readers about the current reality in Russia. Seeking out information, even if it means upsetting political interests, does not make Evan a criminal or a spy, it makes him a journalist. Journalism is not a crime.

The arrest sends a disturbing and dangerous signal about Russia’s disregard for independent media and shows indifference to the fate of a young, talented and honest journalist. 

We call on the Russian authorities to drop these charges and immediately release Evan Gershkovich.

  • Abdujalil Abdurasulov, BBC (temporary assignments 2008-2018)

  • Sabine Adler, Deutschlandradio (1999-2005)

  • Zita Affentranger, Tages Anzeiger (2001-2006)

  • Manel Alías Tort, TV3, Catalunya Radio (2015-2021)

  • Marta Allevato, AGI (2011-2018)

  • Tamara Alteresco, Radio Canada (2018-2022)

  • Derek Andersen, Moscow Times (2010-2012)

  • Maria Antonova, AFP (2010-2020)

  • Guy Archer, Moscow Times (1998-2001, 2018), Capital Perspective (2000-2002)

  • Chloe Arnold, Moscow Times (1995-1998), BBC (2005-2007), Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (2007-2009), BBC (2017-2019)

  • Tomas Avenarius, Süddeutsche Zeitung (1999-2006)

  • Lucy Ash, BBC, Scotland on Sunday (1990-1994)

  • Golineh Atai, ARD (2013-2018)

  • Sabra Ayres, Cox Newspapers (2003-2007), Los Angeles Times (2017-2020) 

  • Robert Baag, Deutschlandradio (1994-1999, 2006-2012)

  • Peter Baker, Washington Post (2001-2004)

  • Mattia Bernardo Bagnoli, ANSA (2015-2021)

  • Tony Barbieri, Baltimore Sun (1979-1983)

  • Cenk Başlamışlı, Milliyet (1989-2010)

  • Héloïse Bargain, Moscow Times (2019-2020)

  • Ellen Barry, Moscow Times (1993-1995), New York Times (2008-2013)

  • Anastasia Becchio, RFI (2010-2013)

  • Jean-François Bélanger, CBC/Radio-Canada (2010-2014)

  • Lucia Bellinello, Russia Beyond (2011-2019)

  • Catherine Belton, Moscow Times, BusinessWeek, Financial Times (1998-2014)

  • Vanora Bennett, Reuters (1991-1995), Los Angeles Times (1996-1998)

  • Marc Bennetts, Washington Times (2013-2019), Sunday Times (2019-2022)

  • Stéphane Bentura, AFP (1989-1994), Paris Match (1997-1998) 

  • Michele Berdy, Moscow Times (2002-2022)

  • Tomasz Bielecki, Gazeta Wyborcza (2004-2008)

  • Wiktoria Bieliaszyn, Krytyka Polityczna, Gazeta Wyborcza (temporary assignments 2018-2020)

  • Michael Binyon, The Times (1978-1982)

  • Douglas Birch, Baltimore Sun (2001-2005), AP (2006-2010)

  • Michael Birnbaum, Washington Post (2014-2016)

  • Kevin Bishop, NBC (1987-1993), BBC (1993-1994, 2000-2003, 2013-2014)

  • Andrew Boag, Moscow Times (2001-2004)

  • Carroll Bogert, Newsweek (1989-1993)

  • Celestine Bohlen, Washington Post (1984-1988), New York Times (1991-1994, 1998-2001)

  • Ksenia Bolshakova, FRANCE 24 (2010-2016)

  • Sunny Bosco, AFP (1997), Moscow Times (1998-2003)

  • Etienne Bouche, Sud-Ouest (2013-2020)

  • Michael Brissenden, Australian Broadcasting Corporation (1994-1997)

  • Anja Broeker, ARD (2000-2005)

  • Daniel Broessler, Sueddeutsche Zeitung (2004-2008)

  • Arnout Brouwers, De Volkskrant (2006-2013)

  • Ben Brown, BBC (1991-1994)

  • Frank Brown, Moscow Times (1994-1997), Jerusalem Report (1998-2003), Newsweek (2003-2005)

  • Sarah Brown, NBC, AP (1993-1999)

  • Oliver Bullough, Reuters (2002-2006)

  • Justin Burke, Christian Science Monitor (1990-1993)

  • Clementine Cecil, Times (2001-2004)

  • Patrick Chaboudez, RTS, Tribune de Genève (1990-1995)

  • Guy Chazan, Wall Street Journal (1999-2007)

  • C.J. Chivers, New York Times, Esquire (2004-2008)

  • Bruce Clark, Times (1990-1993)

  • Victoria Clark, Observer (1993-1996)

  • Stanley Cloud, Time Magazine (1969-1970)

  • Charles Clover, Financial Times (2008-2013)

  • Fred Coleman, AP (1964-1967), Newsweek (1976-1979, 1988-1992)

  • Shura Collinson, St Petersburg Times (2007-2013), Moscow Times (2014-2016)

  • Ann Cooper, NPR (1987-1991)

  • Eve Conant, NBC News (1995-1997), Feature Story News (1997-1998), Voice of America (1998-2001), Newsweek Magazine, (2001-2003)

  • A. Craig Copetas, Village Voice, Regardie’s (1983-1991), Wall Street Journal (1997-2000)

  • Isabelle Cornaz, RTS (2014-2019)

  • Susan Cornwell, Reuters (1987-1990)

  • Sophia Coudenhove, Moscow Times (1994-1997)

  • Alan Cullison, AP, Wall Street Journal (1995-2015)

  • Maria Michela D’Alessandro, Il Caffè settimanale (2016-2018)

  • Naira Davlashyan, AFP, AP (2010-2018)

  • Max Delany, AFP (2014-2017)

  • Dominique Derda, France Télévisions (1993-1997, 2000-2004, 2015-2019)

  • Ruth Dickhoven, ARD/WDR (2001-2006)

  • Robyn Dixon, Sydney Morning Herald, The Age (1993-1997), Los Angeles Times (1999-2003), Washington Post (2019-2023)

  • Yana Dlugy, AFP (2003-2006), Newsweek (1997-1999)

  • Michael Dobbs, Washington Post (1988-1993)

  • Veronika Dorman, Libération (2009-2016)

  • Elisabeth Gesine Dornblueth, Deutschlandradio (2012-2017)

  • Martin von den Driesch, Oldenburgische Volkszeitung (1994-2005)

  • Emile Ducke, YPT (2017-2022)

  • Pascal Dumont, Moscow Times (2014-2016), La Dame de Pique (2016-2017), CBC (2017-2020)

  • Jonny Dymond, BBC News (2004-2017)

  • Miriam Elder, AFP (2002-2003), Moscow Times, Guardian (2006-2013)

  • Dinda Elliott, Newsweek (1992-1994)

  • Will Englund, Baltimore Sun (1991-1995, 1997-2001), Washington Post (2010-2014, 2019)  

  • David Ensor, ABC News (1992-1996)

  • Steven Erlanger, Boston Globe (1985-1987), New York Times (1991-1995)

  • Jon Fasman, Moscow Times (2002)

  • Esther Fein, New York Times (1987-1991)

  • Amie Ferris-Rotman, Reuters (2007-2011), Wall Street Journal (2016-2017), Washington Post (2017-2019)

  • David Filipov, Moscow Times (1992-1994), Boston Globe (1994-2004), Washington Post (2016-2018)

  • Peter Finn, Washington Post (2004-2008)

  • Peter A. Fischer, Neue Zürcher Zeitung (2001-2007)

  • Rose Flemming, Berlingske (1990-1996), Jyllands-Posten (1999-2004)

  • William Flemming, Moscow Times (2001-2004)

  • Peter Ford, Christian Science Monitor (1994-1998)

  • Henry Foy, Financial Times (2017-2021)

  • Enrico Franceschini, La Repubblica (1990-1997)

  • Mark Franchetti, Sunday Times (1997-2016)

  • Stig Fredrikson, TT Sweden (1972-1976)

  • Carlotta Gall, Moscow Times (1994-1999), Financial Times (1998-1999), New York Times (1994, 1999)

  • Paolo Garimberti, La Stampa (1970-1976)

  • Moritz Gathmann, Tagesspiegel (2008-2013)

  • Maria Georgieva, Svenska Dagbladet (2016-2022)

  • Susan Glasser, Washington Post (2001-2004)

  • David Jan Godfroid, NOS (2004-2008, 2012-2021)

  • Carey Goldberg, AP (1989-90), Los Angeles Times (1990-1995)

  • David Greene, NPR (2009-2012)

  • Thielko Griess, Deutschlandfunk (2017-2021)

  • Jennifer Griffin, Fox News (1996-1999)

  • Rosemary Griffin, Platts (2012-2022)

  • Thomas Grove, Reuters, Wall Street Journal (2010-2021)

  • Orla Guerin, BBC (1999)

  • Peter Gysling, SRF (1990-1994, 2008-2015)

  • Julian Hans, Süddeutsche Zeitung (2013-2019)

  • Andrew Harding, BBC (1996-2000)

  • Luke Harding, Guardian (2007-2011)

  • Jens Hartmann, Springer Auslandsdienst (1996-2003), Die Welt (2004-2011)

  • Laurie Hays, Wall Street Journal (1990-1993)

  • Xiaoqing He, Moscow Times (2017-2019)

  • Thomas Heine, Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten (1991-1995, 2010-2012), Politiken (2014-17)

  • Kysia Hekster, NOS (2008-2012)

  • Andrew Higgins, Independent (1992-1995), Wall Street Journal (1998-2003), New York Times (2016-2021)

  • Jenny Hill, BBC (2022)

  • Nick Holdsworth, Times Higher Education Supplement, Sunday Telegraph, Variety, Hollywood Reporter, FRANCE 24 (1996-2022)

  • Gabor Horvath, Nepszabadsag (1993-1997)

  • Gerald Hosp, Neue Zürcher Zeitung (2007-2012)

  • Ben Hoyle, Times (2013-2015)

  • Dorothea Hülsmeier, dpa (1995-2000)

  • Adi Ignatius, Wall Street Journal (1992-1994)

  • Julia Ioffe, New Yorker, Foreign Policy, (2009-2012)

  • Polina Ivanova, Reuters (2017-2021), Financial Times (2021-2023)

  • Andrew Jack, Financial Times (1998-2004)

  • Marie Jégo, Le Monde (2005-2014)

  • Morten Jentoft, NRK (1996-2000, 2014-2018)

  • Lenka Kabrhelova, Czech Public Radio (2008-2013)

  • Robert Kaiser, Washington Post (1971-1974)

  • John Kampfner, Daily Telegraph (1991-1994)

  • Shigenori Kanehira, Tokyo Broadcasting System (1991-1994)

  • Georgi Kantchev, Wall Street Journal (2019-2021)

  • Fred Kaplan, Boston Globe (1992-1995)

  • Miroslav Karas, Czech Television (2012-2016, 2018-2020)

  • Henrik Kaufholz, Politiken (1995-1997)

  • Bill Keller, New York Times (1986-1991)

  • Takashi Kida, Asahi Shimbun (2001-2003, 2017-2022)

  • Lucian Kim, Moscow Times (2003-2005), Bloomberg (2006-2010), National Public Radio (2016-2021)

  • Matilde Kimer, Danish Broadcasting Corporation (2009-2022)

  • Horst Kläuser, ARD / WDR (2002-2008)

  • Robin Knight, US News & World Report (1976-1979)

  • Andrew Kramer, AP (1999-2001), New York Times (2005-2022)

  • Michel Krielaars, NRC Handelsblad (2007-2012)

  • Olaf Koens, Geassocieerde Persdiensten, RTL Nieuws, De Volkskrant (2007-2015)

  • Akiyoshi Komaki, Asahi Shimbun (2005-2008, 2013-2017)

  • Albina Kovalyova, Reuters (2010-2011), NBC (2013-2014), AP (2015), BBC, NBC, Channel 4 (2016)

  • Simon Kruse, Berlingske (2006-2018)

  • Matthew Kupfer, Moscow Times (2016-2017)

  • Anatoly Kurmanaev, Wall Street Journal (2018)

  • Kathy Lally, Baltimore Sun (1991-1995, 1997-2001), Washington Post (2010-2014)

  • Bert Lanting, De Volkskrant, (1994-1998)

  • Isabelle Lasserre, Le Figaro (1994-1998)

  • Maria Levitov, Moscow Times (2004-2006), Bloomberg (2007-2010)

  • Clifford Levy, New York Times (2007-2011)

  • Udo Lielischkies, ARD (1999-2005, 2012-2019)

  • Jesper Lindau, Swedish Radio (2018-2021)

  • John Lloyd, Financial Times (1990-1996)

  • Nicola Lombardozzi, La Repubblica (2009-2017)

  • Edward Lucas, Economist (1998-2002)

  • Alec Luhn, Nation (2013-15), Guardian (2015-17), Daily Telegraph (2017-2020), VICE News (2021-22)

  • Mark MacKinnon, Globe and Mail (2002-2005)

  • Kumiko Makihara, Moscow Times (1995-1997)

  • Isabelle Mandraud, Le Monde (2014-2019)

  • Judith Matloff, Christian Science Monitor (1997-2000)

  • Seamus Martin, Irish Times (1991-1994, 1996-2000)

  • Owen Matthews, Moscow Times (1995-1997), Newsweek Magazine (1997-2019)

  • William Mauldin, Moscow Times (2006), Bloomberg (2007-2009), Wall Street Journal (2009-2012)

  • Walter Mayr, Der Spiegel (2002-2006)

  • Daniel McLaughlin, Reuters (2000-2001), Daily Telegraph (2003-2004)

  • Caroline McGregor, Moscow Times (2002-2004)

  • James Meek, Guardian (1994-1999)

  • Andrew Meier, Time (1995-2001), NYT Magazine (2008-2012)

  • Nicolas Miletitch, AFP (1978-1981, 1998-2001, 2010-2018) 

  • Andrew Miller, Economist (2004-2007)

  • Laura Mills, AP (2012-2015), Wall Street Journal (2015-2017)

  • Alison Mitchell, Newsday (1989-1991)

  • Jan Moláček, Czech Television (2005-2006)

  • Fen Montaigne, Philadelphia Inquirer, (1989-1993)

  • Davide Monteleone, Contrasto (2002-2005), VII Photo (2010-2013), National Geographic (2016-2021)

  • Kim Murphy, Los Angeles Times (2001-2006)

  • Seth Mydans, AP (1976-1979), Newsweek (1980-1981), New York Times (1984-1985, 2003-2004)

  • Steven Lee Myers, New York Times, (2002-2007, 2013-2015)

  • David Nauer, Tages-Anzeiger (2006-2009), SRF (2016-2021)

  • Aliide Naylor, Moscow Times, RT (2011-2015)

  • Anna Nemtsova, Washington Post (2001-2005), Newsweek (2005-2014), Daily Beast (2021-2022)

  • Jussi Niemeläinen, Helsingin Sanomat (2010-2014, 2018-2021)

  • Fabrice Nodé-Langlois, Le Figaro (2006-2009)

  • Julian Nundy, Reuters (1971-1974)

  • Conor O’Clery, Irish Times (1987-1991)

  • Takeshi Oda, Nihon Keizai Shimbun (1987-1991)

  • Kevin O’Flynn, Moscow Times (1996-2015), Reuters (2015-2018) 

  • Kenichi Ogata, Japan (1996-1999, 2006-2010, 2012-2016)

  • Roland Oliphant, Daily Telegraph (2013-2017)

  • Lynne Olson, AP (1974-1976)

  • Peter Osnos, Washington Post (1974-1977)

  • Arkady Ostrovsky, Financial Times (2003-2007), Economist (2007-2015)

  • Simon Ostrovsky, Moscow Times (2001-2004)

  • Richard C. Paddock, Los Angeles Times (1997-2000)

  • Jeremy Page, Reuters, The Times (2002-2006)

  • Philip Pan, Washington Post (2008-2010)

  • Tom Parfitt, Sunday Telegraph (2003-2005), Guardian (2005-2012), Daily Telegraph (2012-2015), The Times (2015-2022)

  • John Parker, Economist (1988-1993)

  • Robert Parsons, BBC (1993-2002)

  • Harold Piper, Baltimore Sun (1975-1979)

  • Muriel Pomponne, RFI (2013-2017)

  • Alessandra Prentice, Reuters (2013-2014)

  • Peter Pringle, The Independent (1990-1993)

  • Francesco Quintano, ANSA (1990-1996)

  • Manfred Quiring, Berliner Zeitung (1982-1987, 1991-1995), Die Welt (1998-2010)

  • Maarten Rabaey, De Morgen (temporary assignments 1998-2018)

  • Samuel Rachlin, Danish Broadcasting Corporation (1977-1984), TV2 Denmark (1998-2006)

  • Wacław Radziwinowicz, Gazeta Wyborcza (1997-2016)

  • Leonid Ragozin, BBC (1998-2007, 2010-2013) 

  • Sarah Rainsford, BBC (2000-2005, 2014-2021)

  • Eleanor Randolph, The Washington Post (1990-1993)

  • Heide Rasche, ARD (2011-2014)

  • David Remnick, Washington Post (1988-1992)

  • Maura Reynolds, AP (1996-1998), Los Angeles Times (1998-2002)

  • Matt Robinson, Reuters (2009-2010)

  • Emil Rottbøll, Berlingske (2020-2023)

  • Angus Roxburgh, Sunday Times (1987-1989), BBC (1991-1997)

  • Elisabeth Rubinfien, Wall Street Journal (1990-1994)

  • Andreas Rüesch, Neue Zürcher Zeitung (1998-2002)

  • Raymond Saint-Pierre, CBC/Radio-Canada (2015-2018)

  • Claudio Salvalaggio, ANSA, (2006-2015)

  • Rebecca Santana, Voice of America, Cox Newspapers (1999-2004)

  • Simon Saradzhyan, Moscow Tribune (1993-1998), Moscow Times (1998-2008)

  • David Satter, Financial Times (1976-1982), Radio Liberty (2013)

  • Pjotr Sauer, Moscow Times (2018-2022), Guardian (2022)

  • Nurbek Savitahunov, Moscow Times (2017-2019)

  • Serge Schmemann, AP (1980-1981), New York Times (1981-1986, 1991-1994)

  • Susanne Scholl, ORF (1991-2009)

  • Michael Schwirtz, New York Times, (2006-2012)

  • Antonella Scott, Il Sole 24 Ore (2008-2011)

  • Max Seddon, Financial Times (2016-2023)

  • Corinne Seminoff, CBS (1986-1989), CBC (1989-1994, 2017-2022)

  • Lucia Sgueglia, Lettera 22 (2007-2017)

  • Scott Shane, Baltimore Sun (1988-1991)

  • Evgeniy Shapovalov, CNN (2022-2023)

  • David Shipler, New York Times (1975-1979)

  • Claire Shipman, CNN (1989-1993)

  • Elizabeth Shogren, Dallas Morning News (1988-1990), Los Angeles Times (1990-1992) 

  • Daisy Sindelar, Moscow Times (1994-1996, 1999-2001), St Petersburg Times (1998-1999)

  • Michael Slackman, Newsday (1998-2000)

  • Hubert Smeets, NRC Handelsblad (1990-1993)

  • Julia Smirnova, Die Welt (2012-2017)

  • Hedrick Smith, New York Times (1971-1974), PBS (1988-1990)

  • Sebastian Smith, AFP (1994-1997, 2005-2008)

  • Daniel Sneider, Christian Science Monitor (1990-1994) 

  • Noah Sneider, Economist (2013-2020)

  • Deborah Snow, Australian Broadcasting Corporation (1992-1994)

  • Paul Sonne, Wall Street Journal (2013-2016)

  • Nick Spicer, CBC (2004-2007)

  • Alessandra Stanley, New York Times (1994-1998)

  • Laura Starink, NRC Handelsblad (1987-1991)

  • Iuliia Stashevska, AP (2014-2019)

  • Deborah Stead, BusinessWeek (1991-1993)

  • Michael Steen, Reuters (1999-2000)

  • Briar Stewart, CBC (2022-2023)

  • Satoshi Takayama, Asahi Shimbun (1978-1983)

  • John Thornhill, Financial Times (1994-2000)

  • Katrin Tichomirova, Berliner Zeitung (2003-2008)

  • Ugo Tramballi, Il Giornale (1987-1991)

  • Jeff Trimble, U.S. News & World Report (1986-1991)

  • Christian F. Trippe, Deutsche Welle (1999-2002)

  • Anton Troianovski, Washington Post (2018-2019), New York Times (2019-2023)

  • Nikolaus von Twickel, Moscow Times (2007-2013), dpa (2013-2014) 

  • Paolo Francesco Valentino, Corriere della Sera (1990-1995)

  • Daniel Vallot, RFI (2017-2021)

  • Tom Vennink, De Volkskrant (2015-2021)

  • Natacha Vesnitch, FRANCE 24 (2017-2021)

  • Birgit Virnich, ARD (2014-2019)

  • Elena Volochine, i-TELE, (2012-2016), FRANCE 24 (2016-2022)

  • Pavel Vondra, Czech Television (2011-2012)

  • Patrick Wack, LAIF (2021-2023)

  • Shaun Walker, Independent (2007-2013), Guardian (2013-2019)

  • Greg Walters, Moscow Times (2003-2005), Dow Jones Newswires (2005-2007), Bloomberg News (2007-2008)

  • Olivia Ward, Toronto Star (1992-2002)

  • Pieter Waterdrinker, De Telegraaf, (1996-2020)

  • Courtney Weaver, Moscow Times (2008-2009), Financial Times (2009-2015)

  • Will Webster, Reuters (1997-2014)

  • Emma Wells, BBC (2011-2016)

  • John Wendle, Moscow Times, Time Magazine (2007-2009)

  • Jeanne Whalen, Moscow Times (1997-1999), Wall Street Journal (1999-2004)

  • Mark Whitehouse, Moscow Times (1993-1998), Wall Street Journal (1998-2003)

  • Craig R. Whitney, New York Times (1977-1980, 1989-1992)

  • Carol J. Williams, AP (1984-1988), Los Angeles Times (1994-1998)

  • Geoff Winestock, Moscow Times (1992-1994), Journal of Commerce of the United States (1994-1996), Moscow Times (1996-1999)

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  • Helen Womack, Reuters (1985-1988), Independent (1990-2000), Age (2003-2015)

  • Allan Woods, Toronto Star (2021-2022)

  • Joshua Yaffa, New Yorker (2012-2022)

  • Geoffrey York, Globe and Mail (1994-2002)

  • Sonja Zekri, Süddeutsche Zeitung (2008-2011)

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