Africa’s debt crisis needs a political fix, contend experts

Ghana’s women vendors and hawkers are hard to miss. Attired in bright colours and bold prints, they walk swiftly on capital Accra’s streets, bearing baskets with various items on their heads, as infants wrapped in cloth carriers sit clasping their shoulders. As key contributors to the country’s informal economy, the women make a fine balancing act look easy.

Their labour, like scores of fellow Ghanians’, is crucial not only for finding incomes for their families, but also for helping rebuild the country’s fragile national economy. In December 2022, Ghana defaulted on most of its $30 billion foreign debt, as its economy crashed. The government is currently grappling with creditors to restructure its debt. It is yet to secure a “workable debt deal” with bond holders.

Ghana, like several other African countries, is neck-deep in debt and stifled by its repayment schedule. Addressing the Paris Club in June last year, African Development Bank Group President Akinwumi A. Adesina said external outstanding debt service payments for 16 African countries rose to $22.3 billion in 2023, significantly burdening government revenue. For the median sub-Saharan African country, the loan interest to revenue ratio has doubled in the past decade to 11 % — a rate almost four times higher than in advanced economies, according to a 2023 International Monetary Fund publication.

Neither is Ghana’s situation peculiar, nor is the trend of excessive borrowing by governments confined to Africa. By end of 2023, the World Bank found 60 % of low-income countries to be in debt distress, or at high risk of it, and called for urgent action to prevent record debt repayments by the world’s poorest countries escalating into a full-blown crisis.

Middle-income countries are not insulated, as is evident from Sri Lanka’s case. In a similar predicament after its own economic meltdown and unprecedented default in 2022, the island nation is trying hard to finalise a debt treatment plan with its diverse set of creditors. Coming to an agreement, including with private bondholders, is a pre-requisite for the next instalment of the IMF’s package that the country hopes will revive its economy.

The debt crisis is severely impacting livelihoods in African countries. Fisherfolk at work in Accra, Ghana. 
| Photo Credit:
Meera Srinivasan

To reflect on the growing incidence of countries getting trapped in a cycle of debt and distress, economists and policy experts from different parts of the world converged at a recent international conference on the ‘African debt crisis’ in the coastal city of Accra. The forum, while foregrounding a pan-African position on the debt crisis, also put forth diverse views on other debates such as exiting Africa’s Colonial-era currency, the CFA franc that more than a dozen states in Africa have shared for some seven decades now. Organised by the International Development Economics Associates (IDEAs) network in late March, the conference flagged both, common features and distinct challenges of debt-distressed countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Speakers sought substantial reform of the international financial architecture that, they argued, unfairly burdened the Global South. They mulled a more active role for the UN in negotiating debt treatment — including crucial haircuts on the principal amount owed — through a comparable system monitored by a transparent, multilateral body.

Senior Nigerian academic Adebayo Olukoshi contended that the relationship between creditors and debtor nations reproduces the dynamic of dominance and subordination in the post-colonial era. “Driven by international agencies and powerful actors, the narratives of ‘fastest growing economy’ and ‘emerging markets’ pushed many African governments into indiscriminate borrowing,” he noted, pointing to loans that invariably fuel consumption. “Cabals” comprising local elite, lawyers, and think tanks paid little attention to development outcomes of the high-interest loans, he said.

A response that “goes beyond proposals or ideas” becomes necessary because “first and foremost, the question of debt is a political one,” Prof. Olukoshi argued. In his view, debtor nations need to recalibrate the shifts in the relationships between former colonisers and “so-called independent countries”, as well as those between governments and the people, and people and the [local] elite to address the “debt conundrum”.

Noted Malaysian economist Jomo Kwame Sundaram cited the US Federal Reserve Bank’s decision to hike interest rates aggressively since 2022 as one of the chief reasons for the crisis facing the Global South. “In terms of the damage done to a number of economies, it was far more serious in Africa,” he said. “Low-income countries are increasingly borrowing from private creditors. Why? Because rich countries won’t make affordable credit available,” he said, pointing to the apparently predatory nature of private credit, that rarely gets attention amid the “propaganda around Chinese debt”. “In fact, the World Bank’s claim that Sustainable Development Goals would propel lending “from billions to trillions” has been the pretext for privileging private, commercial credit as finance supposedly necessary to achieve those SDGs,” Prof. Sundaram said.

All the same scholars underscored the need to critically evaluate Chinese debt too. “China is not the exact replica of the West, but all I am saying is China is clear about what it wants from Africa. Africa should be clear about what it wants from China,” Prof. Olukoshi said.

While African nations hold diverse positions on key political questions, a pan-African sentiment on the sovereign debt sovereign crisis is evident. A view of the Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park & Mausoleum in Accra, Ghana. The leader, who was Ghana’s first President, was a prominent advocate of Pan-Africanism.

While African nations hold diverse positions on key political questions, a pan-African sentiment on the sovereign debt sovereign crisis is evident. A view of the Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park & Mausoleum in Accra, Ghana. The leader, who was Ghana’s first President, was a prominent advocate of Pan-Africanism.
| Photo Credit:
Meera Srinivasan

The “battle of narratives” on Africa’s debt problem came into sharp focus at the forum. Zambian political economist Grieve Chelwa argued that the premise that the current crisis is solely a problem of governance and corruption needs to be squarely challenged, for the problem of debt is structural. “The current [debt] problem cannot be reduced to financial mismanagement. That analysis will only lead to a repetition of the crisis. That is also why financial discipline that is advocated as a solution will never be enough to address it,” he said.

Presenting Zambia’s case, he flagged three historical forces – the extractive copper industry and the pricing mechanism for copper, the infrastructure drive in Zambia alongside a structural adjustment programme, and the role of the US and other Western countries’ monetary policy. Zambia has opted for a comprehensive debt treatment plan with its official creditors under the G20 Common Framework. Zambia’s approach is a test case, and the government is yet to firm up a debt relief plan even after protracted negotiations. The deal with private creditors, too, drags on.

Although the Paris Club group of creditors endorsed the G20 Common Framework, the initiative has not been very productive, according to José Antonio Ocampo, economist and former Minister of Finance and Public Credit, Colombia. “There is wider acceptance of the fact that the international financial architecture needs to be reformed. The push now is for an expanded role of multilateral banks and international cooperation on taxation,” he pointed out.

Until the architecture is reformed, indebted countries will invariably resort to more loans on similar terms and “structural adjustment programmes” that enable them, speakers cautioned.

Ghana’s women play a key role in the country’s informal economy. A vendor seen in Accra, Ghana.

Ghana’s women play a key role in the country’s informal economy. A vendor seen in Accra, Ghana.
| Photo Credit:
Meera Srinivasan

Two decades of structural adjustment programmes show they kill growth, rather than reducing countries’ external debt stock, contended Senegalese development economist Ndongo Samba Sylla. “The oft-cited reasons of corruption and mismanagement are aggravating factors, not structural. The lack of monetary sovereignty is linked to the global system. The international financial architecture is telling our countries we won’t give you good prices or cheap credit,” he said.

Further, every debt-distressed country is seeing the crisis severely impacting its labour market. The private sector is laying off employees, while the public sector is freezing salaries. Informal sector workers are grappling with falling incomes and greater exploitation as their purchasing power diminishes, explained Mr. Ndongo, who heads Africa research for IDEAs.

(The writer was invited by the International Development Economic Associates (IDEAs) network for the conference held in Ghana last month).

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We share a common destiny. It’s our duty to shape it for the better

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

Let us ensure that climate justice prevails, honouring our duty to the generations that will inherit the world we leave behind, Ghana President Nana Akufo-Addo writes in an exclusive op-ed for Euronews.

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In the small fishing villages along the Ghanaian coast, generations have relied on the ocean for their livelihoods. 

But as our planet heats up, the seas warming up and extreme weather combine to devastate their way of life.

A World Bank report found that climate change alone could reduce Ghana’s potential fish catch by 25% or more by 2050, threatening a way of life and key food source when much of Africa already scrambles to feed its people.

This is the Ghanaian experience — but it is a story repeated in developing countries across the world.

Another report, by Groundswell West Africa, found that up to 32 million people across the region — the equivalent of Ghana’s population — might be displaced by 2050. 

The people who are the least to blame for climate change find themselves the first victims of an incoming disaster they did not cause.

Ghana, thankfully, has managed to keep developing rapidly. Our economy has grown at an average annual rate of around 6% over the past two decades – from a GDP of just below $5 billion (€4.74bn) 20 years ago to more than $77bn (€73bn) now. 

We have invested in infrastructure, diversified our production base and modernized the country’s agricultural sector, which employs a large part of the population. 

And we are working tirelessly to do our bit in the global fight against climate change.

‘Fair share’: A small phrase, yet deceptively simple

Ghana is a founding partner of the Climate and Clean Air Coalition (CCAC), and the first country in the world to include short-lived climate pollutants — such as methane and black carbon — into our Paris Agreement emissions reduction efforts. 

We have committed to reducing our greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and to accelerating climate adaptation in several priority sectors as a part of our effort to deliver the Paris Agreement.

But as drought, floods and heat waves continue to set new records across the world, we do not know how long we can keep up our efforts both to lift our population out of poverty and deliver nationally on global targets like the Sustainable Development Goals.

As we do our bit, we are asking those countries that have polluted the most, and that have the greatest means to take action, to do their fair share. 

This small phrase, “fair share”, is deceptively simple. But it is the core of any effort that would see the world join together to protect our shared home.

Those who polluted the most in the past need to do more now

The major economies, especially in the West, have spent the past century growing rich off the back of fossil-fuel-powered industrialisation. 

As vulnerable nations, we are convinced it is only fair that those, who polluted the most in the past, must make a greater effort to tackle climate change, especially when they are also the richest and most capable to act.

Indeed, if those most responsible fail to own up to their fair share, it means we are counting on marginal polluters, the poor and vulnerable who are most impacted, to deliver the bulk of further efforts needed to avoid a planetary breakdown.

This would not only be fundamentally unjust, but also unrealistic: despite over one billion people calling our continent home, ultimately, all 54 of the African countries’ emissions amount to less than 4% of today’s global total.

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Compare this with the G20’s 80% share. Or take the G7, who, with a smaller population than Africa, are responsible for close to half of all climate pollution since 1950.

An asymmetric relationship at the core of the issue

By asking countries to do their fair share, we are calling on them to set and deliver emission targets which take into account their past emissions, as well as their share of wealth and the global population.

Today, most major economies look only at their current pollution levels and assume every country will cut emissions at the same rate, regardless of how rich or populous they are.

To highlight this asymmetric relationship, the Climate Vulnerable Forum (CVF), which I chair, commissioned the Traffic Light Assessment.

It evaluates the 2030 Paris targets of every country on the same basis looking at their past pollution, wealth or development level, and share of the global population. 

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It awards a green light to nations who are doing their fair-share to stay within a 1.5 degrees Celsius world, an orange light for a 2 degrees Celsius world and a red light for anything beyond that.

Its findings show that the vast majority of the world’s nations — mainly developing countries — are already doing their fair share. This includes, on aggregate, Africa, the Least Developed Countries, the CVF and nearly all small island developing states.

The sense of distance is misleading

On the other hand, only a handful of developed countries, including the UK and Switzerland, come anywhere close to a fair share effort from among the rich. 

Of the major emerging economies, India, home to one-fifth of the world’s population, pollutes below 2 tonnes of CO2 per person compared to the G7 average of 13. 

Both the G7 and G20 have been given a red light, as most have climate targets that are nowhere near what would constitute them doing their fair share.

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That has to change. With such an alarming gap between what is being done and what must be done, the red light is flashing, and it now falls on those most responsible and capable to step up and deliver.

The fate of fishing villages that could be underwater in a few decades’ time, like Fuveme here in Ghana’s Volta region, might feel distant to those shielded from these threats for now. 

But that sense of safety is false — we share a common destiny, and it’s our responsibility to shape it for the better. Let us ensure that climate justice prevails, honouring our duty to the generations that will inherit the world we leave behind.

Nana Akufo-Addo is the President of Ghana.

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