Tag: euroviews

Here is why the EU should deepen its relations with Central Asia

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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

While the economic and diplomatic benefits are evident, the real win for the EU would be in shaping a narrative of partnership and shared progress, Emil Avdaliani writes.

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Last week, Germany’s Chancellor Olaf Scholz held a landmark summit in Berlin with leaders from the five Central Asian states. 

While the primary topic was how to advance regional and economic ties with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, the underlying focus was undoubtedly on geopolitics. 

Relations between the Central Asian nations and Russia have deteriorated since Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine last year, giving the five countries bigger room for manoeuvre in foreign policy. 

This situation presents the EU with an opportunity to expand its ties with Central Asia and play a more prominent role in this dynamic region.

A solution to Europe’s energy concerns is within reach

There are numerous advantages to Europe deepening its ties with Central Asia.

Firstly, as European countries aim to address energy security challenges, especially their reliance on Russian energy, the diversification of energy sources becomes crucial.

Strengthening ties with Kazakhstan, the largest of the Central Asian states both geographically and economically, can offer a solution to Europe’s energy concerns. 

Kazakhstan, blessed with abundant oil and mineral reserves, already supplies oil to the German market through the Druzhba pipeline, which starts in Russia and stretches to multiple European destinations. 

Since the start of 2023, Kazakhstan has exported 500,000 tonnes of oil to Germany. After talks with Chancellor Scholz last week, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said that Astana is ready to increase supplies and make them long-term.

Kazakhstan and several other Central Asian states are also rich in rare earth metals, important for the green energy transition. 

These metals play a pivotal role in the manufacturing of a vast array of technologies, from smartphones and wind turbines to rechargeable batteries for electric vehicles. Currently, Europe relies heavily on China and Russia for these indispensable minerals. 

The Middle Corridor, a major inroad

Considering the intricate and at times strained relationships with China and especially with Russia, Europe should proactively seek to diversify its rare earth supply chains, and a deeper partnership with Central Asian nations could be a strategic move in that direction.

However, many supply chains and primary trade routes from Asia to Europe pass through Russia, posing potential complications if relations remain strained or deteriorate further. 

Consequently, both Central Asian and European nations are keen on establishing alternative trade routes. Circumventing Russia, the Trans-Caspian Trade Route, also known as the Middle Corridor, stands out as a particularly promising conduit for enhancing trade between Asia and Europe via the South Caucasus and Kazakhstan.

Transport times along this route have been cut from 38-53 days in the previous year to just 19-23 days. The aim is to further decrease this to 14-18 days. 

During his visit to Berlin, President Tokayev proposed synergising the Trans-Caspian route with the Trans-European Transport Network and the EU’s Global Gateway initiative, a worldwide strategy to compete with other global projects by investing in infrastructure projects and establishing economic partnerships.

Knocking the Kremlin off its perch

The war in Ukraine, amplified by Russia’s aggressive actions, highlights the urgent need for Brussels to reinforce its strategic alliances, especially in a region traditionally under significant Russian sway. 

By deepening relations with Central Asian nations, Europe not only expands economic and political cooperation but also strategically counters Russia’s dominance, achieving meaningful geopolitical advantages.

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Kazakhstan, notably, has expressed a keen interest in broadening its ties with the West. 

While it maintains close economic and cultural connections with Russia, Kazakhstan has refused to support its neighbour’s invasion of Ukraine, instead calling for an end to hostilities and the commencement of peace negotiations in line with the principles of the UN Charter. 

In his discussions with Scholz, Tokayev emphasised that Kazakhstan would abide by Western sanctions imposed on Russia.

Igniting a game of dominance should be off the table

However, while Europe can capitalize on the current situation, it must remain aware of Central Asia’s complex geopolitical landscape. 

The EU should steer clear of igniting a new “Great Game” for dominance in Central Asia, as no nation wants to be perceived merely as a pawn. 

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It’s important to recognise that displacing the influence of Russia and China entirely isn’t just unfeasible but might also not be in the best strategic interest of the Central Asian countries. 

Given its geographic position and historical ties, Central Asia will invariably aim to keep balanced relations with its major neighbours. 

Tokayev, for example, recently said that Kazakhstan will continue cooperation with its major allies on all strategic issues, in line with its “multi-vector” foreign policy. 

Central Asia’s approach to fostering positive ties with all major players can eventually promote stability and collaboration across the broader Eurasian region.

And while the economic and diplomatic benefits are evident, the real win for the EU would be in shaping a narrative of partnership and shared progress. 

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Such an inclusive and collaborative approach might just be what Central Asia is looking for.

Emil Avdaliani is a Professor at the European University in Tbilisi and Director of the Geocase think tank.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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European innovation is the catalyst we need to tackle emerging crises

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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

The EPC is a cornerstone on which European innovation has prospered over the last 50 years — and is just as relevant today as the day it was signed, António Campinos writes.

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On Thursday, Europe marks a little-known watershed moment in its post-war history. 

Fifty years ago today, on 5 October 1973, amid a turbulent economic and political climate, 16 European nations committed to the ideal that technological progress should transcend national borders and signed the European Patent Convention (EPC).

The legal treaty initiated the establishment of a European patent system, which today comprises 39 member states and a growing number of “validation states” — countries outside of Europe where you can also obtain a European patent. 

This encompasses a technology market of approximately 700 million people, equivalent in size to the combined populations of the United States, Brazil, Canada, Japan, and Korea.

What matters today isn’t the system’s size, but rather the prosperity and the societal progress it has enabled by helping to bring exciting new technologies to market.

Life-changing answers to crises

The industries in Europe that use patents intensively are today responsible for just under a fifth of Europe’s GDP and around one in every five jobs. Its products and servicestouch around a quarter of the world’s population. 

Most importantly, rights conferred by the European Patent are empowering inventors from Portugal to Poland to bring their breakthrough products to market, safely and swiftly.

Just take the example of Katalin Karikó, who won the Lifetime Achievement category at the EPO’s European Inventor Award in 2022, and has now been awarded this year’s Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine. Her work was crucial in developing effective mRNA vaccines to slow the global COVID-19 pandemic.

These innovations not only enhance our daily lives but also contribute to addressing some of the most profound crises confronting humanity. We need only tune in to any mainstream news bulletin to see that, from climate change and natural disasters to famine, there is no shortage of crises. 

Yet we have only some of the answers. For example, we know that half the technologies needed to shift to a net zero future are still stuck in the prototype or demonstration stage.

European patents can tackle emerging challenges

Given this context and the natural contemplation that arises during a milestone anniversary, it’s prudent to consider whether the EPC remains up to the task of effectively addressing these formidable challenges. And to question whether the EPC can deliver the patent system and the sustainable future we all need for the next 50 years.

I believe so. The EPC is for many reasons precisely the tool that can help us achieve sustainable development and tackle emerging challenges, many of which are already at our doorstep, and comprehensively articulated in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.

The European patent, renowned for its high quality, legal robustness, and extensive market reach, inspires significant investor confidence. 

A clear illustration of this is the record €34 billion that was raised last year by European start-ups pioneering climate-friendly technologies.

The market exclusivity and predictability conferred by a high-quality European patent, however, is just one aspect of our patent system’s enduring appeal. 

The EPC has also enshrined the obligation to make patent data public — a cornerstone of the patent contract. This helps inventors to learn from and improve upon cutting-edge technologies and, crucially, keeps the innovation cycle constantly moving forward.

A treasure trove of blueprints and diagrams

The European Patent Office, which administers the European patent, offers a free-to-use patent search tool, Espacenet, that gives members of the public access to over 140 million patent documents. 

Imagine them as a treasure trove of technical blueprints, detailed diagrams and written descriptions — akin to user manuals for cutting-edge ideas. 

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Great efforts are made to ensure that these documents, which are increasing daily in complexity and volume, are easy for everyone to navigate and understand, whether you’re a seasoned patent attorney or a first-time inventor.

This involves tapping into the immense potential of AI for translating patent documents across multiple languages, including Mandarin Chinese. 

Meanwhile, budding inventors can also leverage smart search platforms dedicated to the latest technologies on everything from tackling coronavirus and wildfires to promising clean energy breakthroughs. 

Furthermore, insight reports on topics like the hydrogen economy highlight the latest technology trends which empower governments and private sector leaders to make more informed strategic decisions. 

These studies also lead to other more alarming findings that call for greater action. Our latest report on women’s participation in inventive activity found that fewer than 1 in 7 inventors in Europe are women.

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Lessons learned over the decades will push us onward

This leads naturally to our ultimate test: accessibility. Empowering researchers, scientists and independent inventors with patent intelligence is one thing, but how do we ensure that barriers to entry into the patent system are removed so that issues such as cost and complexity are no longer deterrents to underrepresented entities like SMEs, micro-enterprises and research centres? 

After all, these demographics are so often the ones pioneering market-disrupting solutions. Yet they currently account for just a fifth of patent applications despite representing over half of European patent applicants.

The recent launch of the European patent with unitary effect is actively working to address many of the challenges surrounding sustainability and accessibility. 

Now we have a single patent, for a single renewal fee, in a single currency, under a single legal system, before a single Unified Patent Court for the 17 participating countries — rising in time to a potential 27 nations and any others joining the EU family. 

Maximum protection for minimum administrative burden. Little wonder we are already seeing positive signs of its adoption from smaller business entities. 

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Fundamentally, we owe the Unitary Patent to the EPC, which not only foresaw its existence but provides for the patent grant process on which this new patent is based.

As a result of all these advantages, the European Patent Convention can deliver the sustainable future we need. 

I am confident that it is the very same qualities enshrined in the mission of our office five decades ago that will ensure the continued success of Europe’s patent system in the years ahead, and that our ability to overcome society’s most daunting challenges is bound to the EPC.

António Campinos serves as President of the European Patent Office (EPO).

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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This is why Europe can’t afford to forget the summer heat

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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

Just because summer is now over, we cannot afford to shy away from this challenge — long-term changes implemented now are the most effective means to rethink how we build and live in cities before it’s too late, Dima Zogheib writes.

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Heat records were smashed across Europe, tourist attractions were closed, red alerts were placed in 23 Italian cities and 1,200 children were evacuated from a Greek summer camp to escape wildfires.

Heatwaves are set to become even more frequent and severe, with the number of cities exposed to extreme temperatures estimated to nearly triple by 2050, and certain groups including those on lower income, older adults, infants and people with underlying health issues.

European cities have been pioneering heat resilience in many ways — with Athens being one of the first in the world to appoint a Chief Heat Officer and cities like Seville naming heatwaves to boost public awareness.

However, Europe can’t leave it to state and city leaders to tackle urban heat. The issue of urban heat islands needs to also be addressed at a street and neighbourhood level, by those shaping the built environment. And nature needs to be at the heart of the solution.

Europe’s urban heat island problem

The built environment is a huge contributor to increasing city temperatures. We’ve pushed out nature, concreted our streets and built high in steel and glass, creating what is known as the urban heat island (UHI) effect — where urban temperatures are far higher than their rural surroundings.

We recently launched our Urban Heat Snapshot to encourage city leaders, urban designers, and all those shaping the built environment to better understand how their designs can mitigate urban hot spots, particularly for the most vulnerable communities. 

The snapshot maps the most extreme “hot spots” in six major cities — from Madrid to Cairo — around the world. It found Madrid’s urban centre has the most extreme UHI “hot spot”, with temperatures 8.5°C hotter than its rural surroundings.

And importantly it highlights that not everyone within cities experiences heat in the same way. 

There can be big differences from one neighbourhood to the next, with Madrid’s built-up downtown experiencing temperatures almost 8°C hotter than El Retiro Park a short distance away. In the majority of cities, the coolest spots were found always in parks, away from residential and commercial areas.

The good news is that urban heat can be tackled, and there are several things cities can do right away.

Use every space possible for nature and increase tree cover

Prioritising and investing in the value, quality and quantity of nature in cities is a must to reduce urban heat. In many European cities, greenery is confined to small spaces, with people questioning how much room there is to add different forms of green infrastructure.

But old, established European cities have much more available space than you’d think to add nature. 

In fact, more than half of the space in cities — including roofs and streets — is open space, providing a large canvas for deploying green and blue infrastructure to build resilience. Urban designers and planners need to think creatively to deploy nature strategically and equitably throughout our cities.

Trees have been proven to lower temperatures in cities and reduce heat-related mortality. In fact, a recent study found increasing tree coverage in European cities to 30% could have prevented 2,644 excess deaths. 

Advanced technologies now allow designers to understand exactly the type and number of trees that are required. 

Create more permeable surfaces and establish cool islands

Permeable surfaces, such as bare or planted soil, tend to absorb less heat compared to impermeable surfaces like concrete or asphalt. 

Sustainable urban drainage schemes are not only slowing down water runoff during heavy rainfalls, but also increasing areas of green space, and cooling neighbourhoods during hot temperatures.

We need to create a network of cooling spaces in cities for people to take refuge from the heat. 

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For example, in London, we worked to map cool spaces where locals could find opportunities to shelter during hot days in a bid to reduce the risk to health from hot weather. 

Something as simple as bringing back drinking water fountains to cities could improve the health of citizens, becoming the main access point to water during a drought.

Encourage behaviour change and deploy digital tools

Design can only do so much. Fundamentally, people will need to change the way they live in cities within the next decade. 

Hot countries around the world have been adjusting their lives to this for centuries, and it’s time to learn from them — Northern European cities can learn from changes already established in the South such as siestas and shop and restaurant closures over peak heat.

We now have the digital capabilities to bridge the gap between what’s causing the UHI effect in cities and the impact of our designs on urban heat and we need to be using these in all projects. 

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Adapting European cities to extreme heat requires a vision and urgent implementation. 

We should be designing at a street and neighbourhood level, bringing back nature throughout cities, not just confined to parks and existing green areas, to build more resilient and more inclusive cities for everyone.

Just because summer is now over, we cannot afford to shy away from this challenge — long-term changes implemented now are the most effective means to rethink how we build and live in cities, before it’s too late.

Dima Zogheib is Nature Positive Design Lead at Arup, specialising in sustainable, resilient and inclusive design.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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EU Deforestation Regulation must address Africa’s needs, too

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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

For too long, the West has fallen short — regulation has been seen by many here in Africa as instruction rather than collaboration, and there are reasonable concerns that the EU Deforestation Regulation will follow suit, Abraham Baffoe writes.

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In early September, African heads of state and leading organisations met in Nairobi to discuss the challenges and opportunities for the continent and to raise their all too familiar concerns about top-down approaches from the West.

Shortly after, 17 countries from the Global South expressed their dissatisfaction with EU regulators as they look to implement the European Deforestation Regulation (EUDR). 

These nations criticised the lack of consideration for people on the ground and highlighted the absence of support for businesses in producer countries.

They are not alone. My colleagues across the African continent have for decades raised their concerns that environmental policy has been directed by those who are the biggest contributors to climate change while also the least affected by it.

Regulation as instruction, not collaboration

In a shift away from focusing on loss and damage and the risks facing the continent, Kenyan President William Ruto stated at Africa Climate Week that “we’re not here to catalogue grievances”. 

But we do need to acknowledge that the burden of the sustainable food transition is all too often placed solely on producer countries, which are often developing nations, despite demand being driven by wealthy consumer blocs such as the EU.

And I must agree with the president: arguing won’t solve the problem, and both “sides” of the so-called Global North and Global South must understand that we are all aiming for the same environmental transformation.

For too long, the West has fallen short — regulation has been seen by many here in Africa as instruction rather than collaboration, and there are reasonable concerns that the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) will follow suit.

The regulation aims to ensure that the Union no longer imports commodities directly linked to deforestation but falls short of supporting the commodity producers in this transition.

The producers on the ground have raised concerns about legal challenges, insufficient resources and lack of administrative coordination, and have appealed to the EU for there to be an agreed common goal.

Mind the trap of failing to understand realities on the ground

Africa is home to 60% of the world’s renewable energy assets, 18% of the world’s tropical forests and an abundance of minerals and agricultural commodities — including over 60% of the world’s cocoa.

However, it has historically failed to benefit from its unique position, due in large part to exploitation from wealthier powers. The EU must listen to these nations if they are to implement legislation effectively.

The EU is responsible for 10% of global forest loss, and this regulation is a welcome step forward that has the potential to transform the fight against commodity-driven deforestation. 

But the EU needs to ensure it doesn’t fall into the trap of implementing a top-down approach that fails to reflect realities on the ground.

Agriculture and forest commodities are the lifeblood of many African economies, providing livelihoods for millions of people across the continent. 

Regulations that risk excluding these people risk causing widespread damage to communities and economies. 

The needs of both sides should be met

Alongside the burden of regulation, Africa is also facing some of the worst impacts of climate change, despite contributing the least to its effects. 

The EU needs to work with African nations and engage in dialogue to ensure that they have the support they need to meet the new regulatory and due diligence requirements through robust partnerships between EU consumer countries and African producers and national and regional initiatives.

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These partnerships would have benefits on both sides, from supporting and training smallholders to meet EUDR standards, enhancing technical capabilities and improving land-use planning, to ensuring that producer countries’ food needs, as well as consumer country needs and company targets, are met.

Given the complexities within supply chains, partnerships should involve all food system actors, including corporates, policymakers and financial institutions, but particularly smallholder farmers who are at the centre of Africa’s cocoa, timber, and coffee industries and the core of Africa’s agricultural commodity production.

A common goal and a collective approach

EU governments need to acknowledge and build upon the efforts already undertaken by farmers across Africa. 

Many African countries have firmly established themselves as allies in the fight against agriculture-driven deforestation, through partnerships like the African Sustainable Commodities Initiative, which brings together ten countries in West and Central Africa to define principles for the sustainable production of key commodities like cocoa, palm oil, rubber and coffee.

The “Roadmap to Deforestation-free Cocoa”, a multi-stakeholder partnership, is another great example of an African-owned and led initiative. It aims to end cocoa-related deforestation in Cameroon, the world’s fourth-largest cocoa-producing country.

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We need a common goal and a collective approach. No single stakeholder has the solution for addressing deforestation in commodity supply chains. 

EU policymakers need to connect with initiatives like these to ensure that the regulations are effective and to address the root causes of deforestation and complex challenges that producer countries are facing.

Abraham Baffoe serves as Africa and Global Director at Proforest, a non-profit group supporting companies, governments, civil society and others in responsible production and sourcing of agricultural and forest commodities.

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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Will the European Parliament walk the talk and protect journalists?

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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

In a democratic society, where we rely on journalists to act as public watchdogs, we cannot have them worried about becoming a target of government-sanctioned spying, Sebastian Becker, Chloé Berthélémy and Shubham Kaushik write.

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The European Union considers itself a bastion of democracy and fundamental rights. Journalists and media freedom are the bedrock of these principles. 

But a new regulation — that seeks to protect these very values — might fall short of its goal if the European Parliament refuses to walk the talk.

The European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) was proposed in 2022 to protect journalists and media providers and serve as a push for strengthening EU democracy. 

It will become the first-ever law with binding rules on the use of surveillance technologies by European governments against journalists.

This week, the European Parliament will take a decisive vote on this regulation.

Spyware harms journalists and our democracy

The harms of spyware are well-known and documented. In 2021, we found out about the over 180 journalists in 20 countries, including Hungary, Spain and France, whose phones were infected by the Pegasus spyware, often by their own countries’ governments.

It became immensely clear that spyware lets governments get unchecked and unlimited access to a person’s communications, intimate photos, personal contacts and online behaviour data — everything without the knowledge of the victim. 

What’s worse, spyware can bypass all digital security features that journalists rely on — including encryption — and turn a phone into a real-time spying device.

In a world where such dangerous hacking tools can be so easily acquired on the market and deployed by governments with little to no scrutiny, there are almost no online spaces left where journalists can feel safe and ensure source confidentiality. 

The need for a full ban on spyware in any law that seeks to protect journalists is inarguable.

EU governments use ‘national security’ as a carte blanche

But this isn’t sitting right with some EU member states who want to continue to be able to abuse spyware. 

During the legislative debates, France demanded that EU countries should be allowed to force the disclosure of sources, arrest, detain, put under surveillance and even deploy spyware against journalists for reasons of “national security”.

It has been shown time and again how EU countries abuse this notion of national security to impose mass surveillance or other exceptional repressive measures on their citizens. 

Just ask Ariane Lavrilleux, a French journalist who was arrested in France in September 2023. 

She revealed the responsibility of France for crimes committed by the dictatorship of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Egypt through her investigation in 2021. 

In the name of “national security”, Ariane was detained while her apartment was searched and all her electronic devices seized.

Her experience will have a severe chilling effect on investigative journalism.

We need the EU to guarantee a surveillance-free media environment

In a democratic society, where we rely on journalists to act as public watchdogs, we cannot have them worried about becoming a target of government-sanctioned spying. 

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Journalists also need to be able to guarantee their sources’ full confidentiality to secure the reporting of trustworthy and public interest information.

They rely on tools like encryption to ensure safe and private communications. Beatriz Ramalho Da Silva, an investigative journalist at Lighthouse Reports, told European Digital Rights that end-to-end encryption guarantees the safety of journalists’ sources, contributors and partners whose work places them under threat by their governments. If their communications were intercepted people’s lives would be at risk.

All of this is hampered when governments or other malicious actors invade journalists’ phones and devices to get access to their sources and editorial strategy. 

Responsible, public-interest journalism cannot exist in an environment where the threat of the government spying on you through your phone looms large.

The European Parliament has an opportunity next week to ensure that journalists don’t have to go through this any more. But will the MEPs seize this opportunity?

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Will the EU’s ‘pragmatism’ stand in the way of protecting our journalists?

With such clarity on the grave consequences that can ensue when spyware is weaponised against journalists, one has to wonder why the European Parliament is shying away from taking a strong stance.

There’s a possibility that the MEPs are pre-emptively softening their stance because they’re concerned about the tough battle ahead for EMFA in the inter-institutional negotiations. 

The Council of the European Union, comprising all EU member states, will fight tooth and nail against any limitation — no matter how reasonable — on their “national security” competence. 

The Council of the EU have already agreed to give a “free pass” to national police and law enforcement agencies for spyware use when it comes to this issue.

The European Parliament is the only EU institution that is directly elected by citizens. Instead of worrying about how their position will be perceived by the member states, they should reflect on their responsibility to us. 

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Pragmatism as an excuse?

We, the people, deserve trustworthy journalism, and journalists — who will be adversely affected when spyware invades their phones and puts their lives and livelihoods at risk — deserve to be able to do their jobs.

Journalists, civil society and media associations have united several times to raise alarm about this issue. But we’ve been told that a total ban on this nefarious technology is not pragmatic.

We hope that being “pragmatic” does not become an excuse for the European Parliament for not doing everything possible to prevent real, grievous harm to journalists. 

They have the opportunity next week to stick up for their own beliefs, for journalists, and for the health of the EU’s democracy. 

Their failure to do so will be a death knell for the rights of journalists risking their lives to speak truth to power.

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Sebastian Becker serves as Policy Advisor, Chloé Berthélémy is a Senior Policy Advisor, and Shubham Kaushik is a Communications and Media Officer at European Digital Rights (EDRi).

At Euronews, we believe all views matter. Contact us at [email protected] to send pitches or submissions and be part of the conversation.

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Cities are leading a cycling revolution. Will the EU follow suit?

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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

My colleagues and I are convinced that cycling is the future. We need the EU and its member states to step to the challenge and recognise cycling as a phenomenal tool with immense transformative power, Line Barfod writes.

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Last year, Copenhagen and Denmark hosted the Tour de France Grand Départ, the start of the course of the coveted cycling competition. 

It was a great celebration of both sports cycling and the decadelong everyday cycling culture of Copenhagen and Denmark.

The Danish capital is showing what we can achieve once we tap into the power of cycling.

Every morning in Copenhagen, while cars are stuck in traffic, thousands of cyclists zoom through the city on their way to work and school via bicycle tracks, cycling streets, cycling superhighways, shortcuts and cycling bridges. 

With the emergence of e-bikes and cargo bikes, we are convinced that cycling uptake will continue to rise in the years to come. 

A veritable cargo bike revolution is also taking place in Copenhagen: in less than three years, cargo bikes increased from 20,000 in 2020 to more than 40,000 in 2023. 

Parents use cargo bikes to transport children; delivery companies employ them to move food and parcels around town; and a growing number of construction companies are using them to transport tools and materials. 

In Copenhagen, a roadside assistance company even reaches clients on a cargo bike when their cars break down.

A large increase in love for bicycles elsewhere in Europe

Since 2020, cycling uptake has seen a large increase across the continent. During the coronavirus pandemic, cycling offered a safe, efficient, and healthy transportation solution across the continent, alleviating pressure on public transport and providing commuters with safe distancing. 

However, despite cycling’s renewed popularity and enormous potential, only 7.4% of the total number of trips are made by bike in the EU-27 on average. 

This low share is paradoxical as cycling is a formidable ally in the fight against pollution and in the journey towards more liveable cities.

No wonder, then, that much anticipation is building ahead of the upcoming Cycling Declaration of the European Commission. Slated for October, the document is expected to set rules, guidance and funding instruments to double the number of cycled kilometres by 2030.

The declaration will finally recognise cycling as an essential element of our shared European transport system and bolster cities’ long-standing efforts.

Cycling strategy task force in the works

More and more local governments in Europe are prioritising cycling to move away from the car-centric mentality that in the second half of the 20th century transformed our cities into islands of pollution and noise. 

With 75% of Europeans living in urban environments, cities have a crucial role to play and stand ready to support the EU’s cycling ambitions.

In recent months, Copenhagen and other cities of the Eurocities network joined forces to create a cycling strategy task force. 

The goal is to offer recommendations that would inform the European Commission’s Cycling Declaration’s final text. We are convinced that our know-how on cycling can be of tremendous value to EU policymakers. 

Our advice is also supported by a Eurocities Pulse survey of 29 municipalities to understand cities’ cycling challenges and expectations.

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One of our top priorities is that the EU should adopt a wide-ranging, ambitious Cycling Declaration. 

The document should pave the way for developing high-quality bike infrastructure, taking a bold approach, and setting common guidance on bike infrastructure and minimum quality levels throughout Europe.

Traffic rules across Europe throw a wrench in cycling

A lack of road safety stops many people from even considering cycling. Therefore, treating cyclists’ protection as a priority should also be front and centre of the new legislation. 

Current national traffic laws in many EU countries hinder cycling, so the declaration is an opportunity to update national traffic rules and create cooperation between local and national authorities. 

The European Commission should also initiate a reflection on the adequacy of national traffic rules for cycling and consider setting a 30km/h speed limit in urban areas.

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Furthermore, standardising tools for collecting cycling data would help many cities make better-informed decisions on their own cycling policies.

At the same time, special attention should be focused on making cycling as accessible as possible to all urban residents, especially those who cannot afford to buy a bike or whose disability prevents them from using a standard two-wheeler. 

Moreover, the lack of bike products and services should no longer stand in the way of the EU’s cycling industry. Greater cooperation mechanisms can create a strong cycling industry in Europe to prevent bike shortages.

Cycling is the future

Lastly, as EU policy moves to strengthen links between urban and rural areas, we advocate using cycling to improve those connections. 

A large network of high-end cycling superhighways has made long-distance bicycle commuting a viable option for people in Greater Copenhagen, and similar projects are underway in many places around Europe. 

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To bolster this effort, cycling-friendly conditions should be set for travelling on public transport with a bike, cycling to and from the station or using their bikes in combination with other modes of transport.

My colleagues and I are convinced that cycling is the future. We need the EU and its member states to step to the challenge and recognise cycling as a phenomenal tool with immense transformative power. 

It’s hard to overstate how much cycling can do to improve our public health, air quality, public spaces and living standards.

Cities are leading the way toward a cycling revolution; will the EU follow suit?

Line Barfod is the Mayor for Technical & Environmental Affairs in the Danish capital Copenhagen.

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We have to back COP28. It’s the most ambitious climate plan in history

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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

If COP28 brokers a global climate deal on these proposals, it would help fast-track a just transition away from fossil fuels. If it fails, the chances of such a transition will be dangerously diminished, Prof İbrahim Özdemir writes.

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Climate change dominated this month’s United Nations General Assembly meeting in New York, which set the agenda for the major UN COP28 climate talks later this year hosted by the UAE. 

Those talks will be humanity’s last chance to get a global agreement to avoid dangerous climate change.

Yet confidence in COP28 has been tarnished by reports of greenwashing and fossil fuel lobbying. Many feel apathetic about the world’s seventh-largest oil producer hosting the UN climate negotiations.

Yet, research published by Uskudar University and the UN-accredited Caribbean-ASEAN Council shows that this thinking is downright dangerous — because it could fatally derail the most ambitious climate action agenda in history.

Dr Al Jaber is no ‘oil man’

Seven colleagues from across the Global South and I teamed up to conduct a detailed comparative analysis of the goals and actions of the five most recent COP presidencies.

After comparing COP28’s proposals and actual actions to the agenda and behaviour of previous COP presidencies, we discovered that the widespread belief that this COP28 represents the worst climate conference of all time is completely unfounded.

For instance, the characterisation of Dr Sultan Al Jaber as an “oil man” by the Western press is misleading. 

Al Jaber in fact founded and ran the UAE state-owned renewable energy company in 2006. About a decade later, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed vowed at a UAE government summit that the country would celebrate the shipment of “the last barrel of oil” by the mid-21st century.

Then in January 2016, the UAE’s Cabinet Ministry held a “Post-Oil” strategy retreat to end dependence on fossil fuel production. 

The next month, the UAE formally launched and adopted a national strategy for life after oil, and only in this context was Al Jaber moved from his role at Masdar to become CEO of the state-owned oil company Adnoc.

Stuck between fossil fuel and a hard place

Since then, Adnoc has made huge strides, with 100% of its power coming from clean electricity produced from nuclear and solar. 

Although criticised for planning to invest $150 billion (€141bn) in oil and gas expansion, our analysis reveals that the total value of the renewable energy projects planned by the UAE with various partners this decade, both domestically and globally, is far higher and amounts to over $300bn (€282bn).

This is not only larger than the UAE’s planned fossil fuel investments, it is considerably bigger than investments mobilised by previous COP presidencies into clean energy. 

Our conclusion is that the COP28 presidency is attempting to strike a difficult balance confronting developing nations: protecting their prosperity while safeguarding the planet.

As Dr Sultan Al Jaber stated in his speech to the UN Climate Ambition Summit at the General Assembly meeting in New York, the “phasedown” of fossil fuels is both “inevitable” and “essential”. 

But we cannot simply eliminate fossil fuels when the new energy system has not yet been built, which is why he urged a “rapid phase up of zero carbon alternatives” and efforts to “rapidly and comprehensively decarbonise the energies we use today.”

Indeed, emerging markets and population growth will drive growth in electricity demand of up to 185% by 2050. 

Yet as Al Jaber also warned, within the next seven years we have to simultaneously grow our energy supply while slashing 22 gigatonnes of carbon emissions to keep global warming below 1.5 degrees Celsius.

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We cannot afford to do this by suddenly eliminating fossil fuel production — the Russian gas crisis showed that even a modest deficit in global energy will spark an intolerable global economic catastrophe. 

That’s why we need to simultaneously increase and decarbonise the global energy supply.

There is a promising road we could take

Our investigation of the key components of the COP28 agenda suggests it offers a promising pathway to achieve this.

Tripling renewable energy capacity in the next seven years will reduce its costs to around a quarter of the current cost of fossil fuels, a prospect that would drive them to rapidly outcompete fossil fuels well within the next 20 years.

While scaling up renewables, a commitment to both “phasedown” fossil fuels, and “phaseout” fossil fuel production where carbon emissions are not captured, will incentivise governments to avoid fossil fuel companies that ignore this commitment. 

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As we cannot simply end fossil fuel production in seven years, ramping up carbon capture as quickly as possible is the only way to reduce emissions in this time frame. 

Although carbon capture is not yet commercially viable, our report points out how partnering with renewable energy could make it commercial in the late 2020s.

Governments need to use both sticks and carrots to get fossil fuel industries to move as rapidly as possible.

Restructuring climate financing to make it low-cost and reduce debt burdens could finally unlock the trillions of dollars the developing world desperately needs to fast-track its energy transitions while simultaneously industrialising.

It’s all about fast-tracking a just transition

The climate action plan proposed by the UAE’s presidency of this year’s COP climate summit offers the most ambitious agenda ever put forward by a COP presidency in 28 years.

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If COP28 brokers a global climate deal on these proposals, it would help fast-track a just transition away from fossil fuels. If it fails, the chances of such a transition will be dangerously diminished.

That’s why we believe it’s time for governments and civil society to seize this groundbreaking opportunity for the world to unite on robust climate action.

Professor İbrahim Özdemir is a UN advisor and an ecologist teaching at Üsküdar University. He has served as Director-General at the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Turkish Ministry of Education and was a leading member in drafting the Islamic Declaration on Global Climate Change endorsed by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC.

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To protect our rights, the AI Act must include rule of law safeguards

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By Eva Simon, Advocacy Lead for Tech & Rights, and Jonathan Day, Communications Manager, Civil Liberties Union For Europe

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

AI is a part of everyday life in countless ways, and how we choose to regulate it will shape our societies. EU lawmakers must use this opportunity to craft a law that harnesses the opportunities without undermining the protection of our rights or the rule of law, Eva Simon and Jonathan Day write.

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The EU’s Artificial Intelligence Act — the world’s first comprehensive legal framework for AI — is in the final stages of negotiations before becoming law. 

Now, as the last details are being agreed, European lawmakers must seize the opportunity to safeguard human rights and firmly regulate the use of artificial intelligence.

Crucially, however, the debate around the AI Act has given insufficient attention to a key feature: the act must establish a clearly defined link between artificial intelligence and the rule of law. 

While the inclusion of human rights safeguards in the act has been discussed extensively, establishing a link to the rule of law is equally important. 

Democracy, human rights, and the rule of law are interconnected but still individual concepts that are dependent on each other and cannot be separated without inflicting damage to society.

An opportunity to strengthen the rule of law in Europe

The principle of the rule of law is fundamental to the EU. It is a precondition for the realisation of other fundamental values and for the enjoyment of human rights.

Notoriously hard to define, the rule of law nevertheless encompasses a set of values that are indispensable to a democratic society: a transparent and pluralistic lawmaking process; the separation of powers and checks and balances; independent, impartial courts and the ability to access them; and non-discrimination and equality before the law.

Given AI’s increasing integration into both the private and public sectors, we need robust safeguards to protect the very foundation our Union stands on: the misuse of AI systems poses a significant threat to the rule of law and democracy. 

In member states where these are teetering, regulatory loopholes could be exploited to weaken democratic institutions and processes and the rule of law. 

The AI Act is an opportunity to create a robust, secure regulatory environment founded upon fundamental rights — and rule of law-based standards and safeguards.

Proper oversight for AI used in justice systems

Central to these safeguards is the inclusion of mandatory fundamental rights impact assessments. 

They are included in the European Parliament’s version of the AI Act, and it is imperative that they make it into the final text of the act. 

These fundamental rights impact assessments are vital to ensure that AI technologies and their deployment uphold the principles of justice, accountability, and fairness. 

But going beyond, rule of law standards should be added to the impact assessments, with a structured framework to evaluate the potential risks, biases, and unintended consequences of AI deployment. 

Beyond the mere identification of potential risks, they can encompass mitigation strategies, periodic reviews, and updates.

This also allows for rule of law violations stemming from the use of AI to be addressed using all the means available to the EU — for example, when they occur in criminal justice systems, many of which use AI for automated decision-making processes to limit the burden and the time pressure on judges. 

But to ensure judicial independence, the right to a fair trial, and transparency, the AI used in justice systems must be subject to proper oversight and in line with the rule of law.

Risks of profiling and unlawful surveillance

Importantly, lawmakers should lay the foundation for proper rule of law protection in the AI Act by leaving out a blanket exemption for national security. 

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AI systems developed or used for national security purposes must fall within the scope of the act; otherwise, a member state could readily use them — such as for public surveillance or analysing human behaviour — simply by invoking the national security carve-out.

The Pegasus spyware scandal, in which journalists, human rights activists and politicians were surveilled by their own governments, demonstrates the clear need to ensure that systems developed or used for national security purposes are not exempted from the scope of the AI Act. 

Furthermore, national security can mean different things across the EU depending on the laws of the member states. 

Profiling citizens based on national governments’ interests would create inequality across the EU, posing an equal threat to both the rule of law and fundamental rights.

No blanket exceptions

With Polish and European Parliament elections upcoming, there is no question that AI can and will be used to target individuals with personalised messages, including to spread disinformation, with the potential of distorting otherwise fair elections. 

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On the other hand, AI tools will be deployed for fact-checking, blocking bots and content, and identifying troll farms as well. These techniques must be transparent to prevent misuse or abuse of power.

The need to explicitly link the rule of law within the AI Act is clear, as is the importance of mandating impact assessments that consider both fundamental rights and the rule of law — without a blanket exemption for national security uses. 

Artificial intelligence is a part of everyday life in countless ways, and how we choose to regulate it will shape our societies. 

EU lawmakers must use this opportunity to craft a law that harnesses the opportunities of AI without undermining the protection of our rights or the rule of law. 

Eva Simon serves as Advocacy Lead for Tech & Rights, and Jonathan Day is Communications Manager at the Civil Liberties Union For Europe, a Berlin-based campaign network to strengthen the rule of law in the European Union.

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It is high time we helped the Global South deal with loss and damage

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The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent in any way the editorial position of Euronews.

If we as a global society are committed to climate justice, it is vital that we address the chief injustice of Global South communities experiencing the devastating impacts of a crisis they did not cause, Heather McGray writes.

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Loss and damage, a phrase which once upon a time was relegated to fringe events of major climate gatherings around the world, was last week sitting at the top of the agenda for the UN’s Climate Ambition Summit in New York — a major event within the UN General Assembly (UNGA).

Rightly so. Loss and damage refers to the negative impacts of climate breakdown on humans, societies and the natural environment. 

It is countries in the Global South for whom loss and damage is most significant. 

Alongside untold levels of destruction to land, property and infrastructure — all of which have significant economic implications — these countries are put at a distinct disadvantage in terms of adaptation and mitigation efforts thanks to a complex series of financial challenges, including unsustainable debt, spiralling inflation and currency fluctuations. 

The situation is exacerbated by the fact that Global South countries have contributed the least to the historic emissions that have fuelled our current predicament.

Imperial College London’s Grantham Institute estimates that depending on global efforts to mitigate and adapt to the climate crisis, loss and damage costs, which go beyond adaptation, “could cost developing countries a total of $290-580 billion (€275.5-551bn) in 2030 and reach $US1-1.8 trillion (€950bn-1.7tn) in 2050.”

At COP28 this December, discussions of the Transitional Committee to operationalise a new fund for loss and damage will conclude, with every hope that finance for a raft of new initiatives can help empower communities across the Global South who are currently stuck between a rock and a hard place. 

As discussions progress, addressing non-economic loss and damage will be key.

Not all losses are financially quantifiable

Non-economic loss and damage (NELD), sometimes called invaluable loss, refers to the harm caused by climate breakdown on human and natural systems that is difficult to put a price tag on. 

NELD includes biodiversity loss, the loss of traditional knowledge and ways of living, and the trauma people experience when they’re forced to leave their homes or ancestral lands.

Take, for example, the devastating floods in Pakistan that took place last year. In economic terms, the floods cost the country around $40bn (€38bn) in damages. 

However, the floods affected 33 million people and cost 1,600 lives. It destroyed over 2 million houses and damaged 13,000km of roads and 18,000km2 of cropland. 

The impact of the displacement, the lives lost, the livelihoods destroyed, the education disrupted and the emotional toll that these events will have had on communities across Pakistan is unquantifiable in monetary terms.

The most vulnerable face the greatest challenges

Those facing the most severe non-economic loss and damage are often communities that face — or have long faced — injustices like discrimination, colonisation, or displacement from traditional lands. 

Further, the most vulnerable people within these communities — often women, children, elders, or people with disabilities — face the greatest challenges.

Indeed, the most recent IPCC report mentioned for the first time the impact that loss and damage caused by the climate crisis has on mental health, outlining that those most negatively affected by climate breakdown are often the most vulnerable populations, such as Indigenous Peoples and people with disabilities.

The Climate Justice Resilience Fund (CJRF) works specifically with these marginalised groups, including women, youth and Indigenous Peoples, helping them create, share, and scale their own solutions for climate resilience.

Global South leaders must follow Scotland’s example

Just before the UN Climate Ambition Summit launched last week, the Scottish government announced it would renew its partnership with us at CJRF to program £5 million (€5.8m) in grants, technical assistance and advocacy, to address non-economic loss and damage for marginalised groups within communities across countries in the Global South who, like Pakistan, have been subjected to the devastating impacts of the climate crisis.

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Funding from the Scottish Government will enable CJRF to continue its participatory approach to supporting activities to address loss and damage.

We’ll partner with organisations that have close connections to the communities across the Global South that they support. 

Interventions will be community-led to ensure that the communities and individuals themselves are assessing their loss and damage and are empowered to identify how they want to address it. 

The work that Scotland’s funding enables CJRF to do will help build a body of practical learnings. 

These will be essential to the new L&D Fund, and to the global community as a whole, as we work together to address all forms of loss and damage affecting communities in the Global South.

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We have to recognise all the impacts of climate breakdown

In a keynote speech at New York Climate Week, Scotland’s First Minister Humza Yousaf stated that no community on Earth will be left untouched by the effects of the climate crisis, but that suffering will not be equally divided. 

We urge leaders of developed nations to recognise all the impacts that climate breakdown is having on communities around the world — both economic and invaluable.

As COP28 approaches, leaders in the Global North must do all they can to stand up the Loss and Damage Fund, and to establish funding arrangements that enable communities to effectively address L&D, including NELD. 

If we as a global society are committed to climate justice, it is vital that we address the chief injustice of Global South communities experiencing the devastating impacts of a crisis they did not cause.

Heather McGray serves as Director of the Climate Justice Resilience Fund, a grantmaking initiative supporting women, youth, and Indigenous Peoples in places severely impacted by climate change.

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