BRICS wants an increased influence that the West cannot ignore anymore

Six new countries are set to join the BRICS to make their presence felt on the global economic stage. But the Western world’s sustainability goals might suffer the consequences.

A somewhat surprising mix of countries is about to join the BRICS, the economic grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa – a decision made at the 15th BRICS summit, hosted by South Africa. In January 2024, the bloc will include developing country Argentina, Africa’s second-largest economy Egypt; Ethiopia, one of the fastest-growing economies in the region and oil giants Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. What do they have in common? The only certain answer is that all six applied for membership.

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From a ‘lazy acronym’ to an unavoidable trade partner

BRICS, which had no clear purpose and many difficulties co-operating among themselves, now started to recruit. And they are not finished. Including the newly recruited members, more than 40 countries want to join the bloc, according to the 2023 summit chair South Africa.

“The sanctions against Russia and China over the last 18 months have acted as a catalyst,” Christopher Weafer, the CEO of business consultancy Macro-Advisory Ltd, said. Moscow and Beijing are trying to lower the excessive reliance on Western economies, essentially both having been exposed to what happens if they are penalised.

The foundation of BRICS in 2001 didn’t cause too much of a headache to the West for a while. “The grouping has been around for many years but really hasn’t progressed into anything effective or coordinated,” Weafer said.

“It’s always been an idea, almost like a lazy acronym, I guess you might describe it.”

Since then, the grouping hasn’t had much of an impact on world trade, however, they created a jointly-owned development bank – the New Development Bank. The lack of visible purpose and co-ordination but tangible differences in political interests, and production standards, let alone currencies, left them unable to become a heavyweight champion on the world stage of economics.

One could argue that the G7 nations (the seven largest advanced economies in terms of GDP including Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, US and the UK) were dismissive of some of the group’s demands and interests. However, lately, geopolitics started having an increased impact on economic ties. 

The continuing expansion offers the BRICS an opportunity to have a powerful voice on issues like climate management and the control of global financial systems.

The newcomers may see it as a way to diversify their business opportunities (and be less dependent on Western countries and their rules) with the promise of preferential trade terms between members and other incentives to increase trade and cross-border investments. 

The current members of the bloc represent about 42% of the world’s population and more than $27 trillion in accumulated gross domestic product. The enlarged grouping will account for 46.5% of the world population and using the IMF’s 2022 GDP data, we can calculate that it will account for $30.8 trillion of the global $100 trillion GDP. 

On the other hand, GDP based on purchasing power parity, or PPP (percentage share of global GDP based upon a common basket of goods which represents the actual purchasing power), shows a very different balance of forces. In total, this expanded BRICS now increases its share of global GDP to more than 36% on a PPP basis, surpassing that of the G7. 

What is next for the Sustainable Development Goals?

It is certain that the new grouping is hard to ignore as its members sit on 45% of the world’s oil production and possess significant iron ore, coal, and bauxite sectors let alone the key role they have in the world’s agriculture. 

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Therefore, developed nations, typically the G7, rely to a great extent on trade with them and also on co-ordination on such issues as climate change and environmental issues. Therefore “the strongest economies can no longer ignore the newly-shaping bloc’s needs,” says Weafer.

The expert believes that while technology, investment, and trade are going to be important issues on the table, one of the corner points of the discussion between the strongest economies and the BRICS countries could be bridging the gap on their interests in environmental issues and setting priorities.

“Developing nations do not see the environment as big a priority as people in the developed world do,” explains Weafer.

Even though countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE keep listing sustainable growth as a priority, they need time to adjust. “Their priority is about economic and social development, in order to create a more stable economic basis, like the G7 and the EU already possess,” says Weafer. “And the argument is that, ‘give us time’, but there isn’t time.”

“I think it is important to get some common ground on how to deal with environmental issues because there is an enormous chasm right now,” Weafer adds. “I mean, enormous because when I travel in China and the Middle East I see that they just don’t see it. They think this is a problem that’s exaggerated by Europe and a way that the G7 is suppressing the potential evolution and growth of the developing world. I’ve even seen an article written by somebody saying it was a modern form of colonialism.”

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How realistic is a common currency for the BRICS?

One of the re-circling questions about the BRICS is whether or not they are working on a system to use a common currency. “The challenge is comparable to cutting the Gordian knot,” says Weafer. Creating the euro took decades and that was a bloc composed of far less physically diverse and distant countries.

Increasing bilateral trade and finding ways to settle that in bilateral currencies is a lot more likely. At the moment this works only with Russia and China after the countries’ central banks took years to set up a system to allow it. Recently Russian President Vladimir Putin said that 80% of the trade between Russia and China is settled in either Russian rubles or Chinese yuan. 

On the other hand, it has its risks. For instance, Russia is selling a lot of oil to India but the payments, which are in rupees, are being trapped in the Indian banks because of capital controls and the nonconvertibility of the rupee. 

Realistically, in the next 10 years, the members have time just enough to try to iron out some of these bilateral trade settlements. 

Where does further expansion lead the bloc?

The already peculiar selection of countries may well be joined by new members such as Kazakhstan and Thailand, who have reportedly applied already. The criteria is hazy, says Weafer. “I think the admission criteria is primarily the willingness of a country to join. The reason is that they’re just looking for diversification, eyeing countries with a reasonable size. For instance, Indonesia is definitely a target.”

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Also, already existing groups could be invited to join such as the Eurasia Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. 

The expert believes that geopolitical events such as the existing conflict in Ukraine and the potential conflict with Taiwan are going to keep dominating the world’s economic stage. 

The next 12 months will reveal more about the challenges and potentials the BRICS is about to bring until the next summit. 

Since the Russian President couldn’t visit the summit this year after the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for him, Vladimir Putin announced that plans have been made to hold the next BRICS summit in Kazan in October 2024. 

By then, we may even learn the name of the new bloc which seems to be a challenge for the group that added every new member’s first letter to its name so far.

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Ukraine and Russia tussle for attention and influence at BRICS summit

The Ukrainian government has spotted an opportunity to strengthen its diplomatic ties in Africa as Russia tries to cling on to major allies there.

As the BRICS summit gets underway in Johannesburg this week, bringing together the main players of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa with dozens of other countries outside the ‘global West’, Russia and Ukraine are looking at the event as a way to cement international relationships as they compete for influence.

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Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba said recently that the country intends to ramp up its strategic outreach to African partners after decades of neglect.

“Many years have been lost,” he said, “but we are going to push ahead with a Ukrainian-African renaissance, revive these relations.”

Citing “coercion, corruption and fear” that Russia uses to wield power in numerous African countries, Kuleba insisted that “We don’t want to be another Russia. Our strategy is not to replace Russia, but to free Africa from Russia’s grip.”

Among the countries he named as places where Russian influence is “eroding” were Liberia, Kenya, Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, Mozambique, Rwanda and Equatorial Guinea.

However, Russia nonetheless has a formidable presence in various corners of the African continent. It has provided security support to several states, particularly in the form of the mercenary group Wagner, a critical player in chaotic Libya and the unstable Central African Republic.

However, Wagner’s intimate connections to the Kremlin have come under immense strain in recent months, with chief Yvgeny Prigozhin publicly excoriating the management of the Ukrainian invasion, then leading what briefly looked like an insurrection against Putin’s rule before agreeing to leave Russia for Belarus.

With the future of Wagner uncertain and the Russian military flailing in Ukraine, the Kremlin is ill-equipped to maintain the level of influence it has become used to.

The upshot of all this is that Russia’s ongoing African machinations will loom large over this year’s BRICS summit, which brings together the governments of Brazil, China, Russia, India and South Africa.

And while Vladimir Putin will not be appearing in person, only via vido link because of the risk he could face arrest on an International Criminal Court warrant, the other four governments will be under intense scrutiny for their often ambiguous attitudes to his regime – South Africa in particular.

The southern extreme

Ever since Russia launched it’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa’s relationship to the Kremlin has been harshly criticised by governments allied with Ukraine.

In May, the US ambassador to Pretoria claimed that South Africa, which has declared itself neutral in the war, had provided arms and ammunition to a Russian ship that docked in Cape Town last year en route home.

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Soon afterward, Ramaphosa granted Putin immunity despite an international arrest warrant, meaning he would have been able to attend the BRICS summit in person without fear of being apprehended. (He declined nonetheless.)

From a Western perspective, it might seem odd for South Africa and other African countries to remain open to Russia despite its actions in Ukraine. But according to Professor Stephen Chan of the School of Oriental and African Studies, it should not surprise anyone that the ANC-led South African government is relatively amenable to Putin.

“There is a very long affiliation with Russia in many parts of Southern Africa, particularly in South Africa itself,” said Chan, who over several decades has advised numerous African and European governments.

“The West has a short memory, but while it supported the Apartheid governments, Russia gave support to the ANC in exile and went one further by sponsoring Cuban armed forces in Angola, who twice turned back the tide of South African military advance.”

As an example, he cited a turning point in the long war in Angola, where South Africa’s failure helped speed the end of Apartheid for good.

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“At the 1988 Battle of Cuito Cuanavale in Southern Angola, South African forces, hoping to establish a buffer state in the south, were forced to withdraw. The National Party in South Africa saw that force was no longer a viable instrument against change; there was a palace coup, the hawks fell and F.W. De Klerk, a dove, became president. In 1989 he held talks with Zambia’s president, Kenneth Kaunda, and in 1990 Mandela walked free.

“In South Africa, and in mineral- and oil-rich Angola, the Russians are given much credit for this chain of events to this day.”

Even so, Ramaphosa has faced serious domestic opposition to his stance on the war, not least because of how poorly he’s executed his efforts to thrust South Africa and Africa in general into the mix.

Outside looking in

With Russia’s obstruction of Ukrainian exports putting many African countries’ food supply in jeopardy, Ramaphosa’s government this summer tried to lead an African diplomatic entrée into the war. His stated aim was to broker a peace deal even as Ukraine’s Western allies supply Kyiv with ever more materiel and training.

However, the South African-led mission to Ukraine and Russia earlier this year saw no progress towards peace, even after the multinational African delegation met with leaders on both sides of the conflict.

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There was also an embarrassing spectacle when one of the South African planes was detained on the runway at Warsaw’s Chopin Airport. According to Polish authorities, the delegation essentially failed to comply with the plans for the trip that the two countries had agreed beforehand.

“Dangerous goods were on board the plane, which South African representatives did not have permission to bring in. In addition, there were persons on board the aircraft of whose presence the Polish side had not been notified beforehand,” a government statement explained.

South Africa might be the host of the BRICS conference, but its efforts to wield influence in the Ukrainian war have so far generated more scorn and confusion than concrete results.

Meanwhile, the world is trying to understand exactly what role Russia is playing in the coup in Niger, where protesters have descended on the French embassy waving Russian flags.

There, the ECOWAS group of West African nations is mounting a major effort to push back against the coup. And among the countries involved are several listed by Ukraine’s Kuleba in his announcement of a “renaissance”.



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