Prachanda forms new Cabinet after leaving Nepali Congress

Two days after breaking the one-year-old alliance with the Nepali Congress, Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ on Wednesday formed a new Cabinet by inducting Ministers from the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), his new main coalition partner, and two other parties.

In a sudden move, Prachanda on Monday broke up with the Congress and joined hands with former Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli, Chairman of the CPN-UML, with the promise to give a renewed push to the “Leftist movement” in Nepal.

Prachanda, also the Chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), inducted eight Ministers from the CPN-UML, five Ministers from his own party, four from the Rastriya Swatantra Party and two from CPN (Unified Socialist) on Wednesday. 

Prachanda and Mr. Oli had a tough time on Tuesday and Wednesday as they struggled to reach a deal on sharing Ministries, just as a jilted Congress was in action to stall the new communist coalition.

With the formation of the new Cabinet with a new set of Ministers, the left alliance is back at the helm in Kathmandu, pushing Congress, the largest force in parliament, to the Opposition seat. 

Bone of contention

Lately, Prachanda had been repeatedly saying that his government had not been able to yield the desired results. Party insiders and political commentators said his remarks, however, stemmed from the notion that Congress president Sher Bahadur Deuba was continuously stalling his plan to reshuffle some Ministers. 

“The Prime Minister wanted a free hand in the functioning of the government but he was not getting that. So he was looking for an excuse to ditch the Congress,” said Mumaram Khanal, a writer and political commentator. “This is what often happens when a smaller party leads the government.”

Also, some decisions taken by the General Committee meeting of the Congress party last month had caused discomfort in the Maoist party. Some Congress dissidents had raised questions about alliance politics and had called for not forging alliances with any party in the next elections, which Mr. Deuba agreed to. But more than that, according to observers, a document criticising the Maoist “people’s war” had vexed them the most. 

Mr. Khanal, who in the past was supportive of the Maoist Centre party, said there were some financial interests of Prachanda which were not addressed by Congress Ministers. “But not just that, a host of issues led to the fall of the Maoist-Congress coalition,” added Mr. Khanal.

Prachanda found a good excuse in the impending election of the National Assembly chair. Ignoring an earlier deal with the Congress, the Maoist Centre said it would field its own candidate. The National Assembly chair election is scheduled for March 12. The post is crucial because the chair is a member of the Constitutional Council that recommends members for various constitutional bodies.  

Prachanda has a history of betraying both Mr. Deuba and Mr. Oli.

The CPN-UML and the Maoist Centre had merged in 2018 to form the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) in a bid to form a large Left force in Nepal. However, power struggle between Prachanda and Mr. Oli led to the implosion of the NCP in 2021.  

After facing a gradual electoral decline over the years, the Maoist Centre fought the 2022 general elections under an alliance with Congress. 

After the Congress party’s refusal to let him lead the government in December 2022, Prachanda swiftly sided with Mr. Oli, and was elected Prime Minister with the CPN-UML’s backing . However, in February last year, the UML pulled out of the government after the Maoist Centre decided to support the Congress candidate in the presidential poll. Congress joined Prachanda’s government. A year later, he is back with Mr. Oli again.

“This Maoist-UML alliance has been formed purely out of Prachanda’s personal interest,” said Mr. Khanal. “His one-point agenda is remaining in power, by hook or by crook. He knew his tenure was going to end as per an earlier deal, so he pulled a switcheroo, which he is very good at.”

Prachanda, a former rebel leader who led an armed struggle from 1996 to 2006, until a few weeks ago was vowing to take the Maoist-Congress alliance to the next elections. 

Commentators in Nepal even dub Prachanda the source of instability, given the way he tends to switch sides at the drop of a hat.

On Monday afternoon, while talking about the change in alliance, Prachanda said: “The country will be in turmoil until the day I die.”

The Maoist-Congress relationship had broken beyond repair, according to Minendra Rijal, a Congress leader. 

“I am not surprised as a communist coalition was bound to happen sooner rather than later,” he said. “It was known to all that Prachanda would do all he could to stall handing over power regardless of the deal that had been forged.”

According to an agreement that the Maoists and Congress signed in February last year, Prachanda was supposed to hand pver power to Mr. Deuba after two years. “Prachanda was not willing to do so. Already in his third stint as Prime Minister, Prachanda wants to continue in power as long as he can,” said Mr. Rijal. “Therefore, that he would reach out to Mr. Oli was not a matter of if but when.”   

Renewed bid for Left unity?

Hours after breaking the old alliance, Mr. Prachanda on Monday said that he would relaunch the communist unity efforts immediately.

Observers, however, say a communist unity is a far-fetched idea. 

Though both the Maoists and the CPN-UML call themselves “communists”, they are poles apart ideologically. The CPN-UML has for long been a vocal critic of the Maoists’ “people’s war.” 

Hari Sharma, a writer and political commentator, described the new development as “nothing but some interest groups coming together.”

“Nepali political parties changing partnerships frequently in the name of forging an alliance is rather a dalliance,” said Mr. Sharma. 

A communist unity in Nepal is something Beijing has always wished for, and the new developments may come to its liking. On Tuesday, during a regular press briefing in Beijing, noting the developments in Nepal , Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Mao Ning said, “We would like to work with the new government to advance the China-Nepal strategic partnership of cooperation featuring ever-lasting friendship for development and prosperity”. 

New Delhi has not reacted to the suddenly evolved communist-dominated dispensation in Kathmandu.

That he was a vocal critic of India is a thing of the past and Prachanda cannot afford to ruffle Delhi’s feathers now, , say observers.

(Sanjeev Satgainya is an independent journalist based in Kathmandu)

Source link

#Prachanda #forms #Cabinet #leaving #Nepali #Congress

Nepal PM Prachanda’s struggles to strike a balance in foreign policy

Nepal Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ appointed Narayan Prakash Saud, a Nepali Congress leader, as Foreign Minister on Sunday, after holding the portfolio for seven weeks himself. Domestic politics is so fractured that he was struggling to keep a stable Cabinet — Sunday’s was the eighth expansion since his appointment as the Prime Minister on December 25.

The current government of Prachanda, chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), which is the third largest party in Parliament, is supported by a motley of seven parties — from the Nepali Congress, the largest, to small ones with one to four seats. Prachanda has already gone for floor tests twice in his four months in power. By his own admission, it won’t be a surprise if he has to seek a vote of confidence again, as withdrawal of support by any of those parties would necessitate so as per the Constitution.

ALSO READ | Nepal, a crucible of fragile coalitions

Nepali politics continues to be in a constant flux. While Prachanda’s struggles at home turf are immense, he is faced with myriad challenges when it comes to foreign policy.

Three-way challenges

Prachanda has taken the helm at a time when there have been overt bids by Beijing to expand its sphere of influence in Nepal, where New Delhi traditionally enjoyed its clout, just as the Americans appear to have renewed their interest. Particularly after the passage of the Millennium Challenge Corporation-Nepal Compact (MCC), there has been a flurry of visits by U.S. officials to Kathmandu. Under MCC, the U.S. will provide $500 million in grants to build electricity transmission lines and improve roads in the Himalayan country.

File picture of Prime Minister Narendra Modi with his Napalese counterpart Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ in New Delhi in 2016
| Photo Credit:
Sudershan V.

As Nepali politicians and intelligentsia debated the MCC last year, Beijing minced no words to warn Washington not to impose anything against Nepal’s will. Meanwhile, ties with India are not in their best days.

“The biggest bane of Prachanda is that he is leading one of the weakest governments ever in terms of legitimacy,” said K.C. Khadga, a professor of international relations and diplomacy at Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu. “And there is a lack of trust from… say, neighboring countries and the U.S., given his track record, his own worldview and his party’s ideological and philosophical perspectives.”

Prachanda’s duplicity over the MCC was exposed after a letter he co-wrote with Nepali Congress president and then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to U.S. officials in September 2021 made it to the public domain. His party eventually voted to pass the compact, but Mr. Khadga believes Prachanda is yet to win Washington’s confidence fully.

“His decision to skip the Boao Forum for Asia Summit also does not seem to have gone down well with Beijing,” Mr. Khadga added. Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Chen Song, in the third week of February, had met with Prachanda and extended an invitation for the summit. “I don’t think his elevation to power has been much to the liking of India either,” said Mr. Khadga.

A tightrope walk

As the U.S. and China jostle for influence, Prachanda faces a tightrope walk with India. He is avidly awaiting an invitation from New Delhi, with reports suggesting that an April-end or May date is being considered.

Even though Prachanda’s party fought the November elections under an alliance with the Nepali Congress, his ascension to power materialised with the backing of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxisit-Leninist), or CPN-UML, the second largest party.

Observers believed the Left-dominated government was not much to Delhi’s delight. Nevertheless, India sent Foreign Secretary Vinay Mohan Kwatra to Kathmandu in the second week of February, signalling its willingness to work with the new government in Nepal. But weeks after Mr. Kwatra’s visit, the political landscape changed. Prachanda ditched the CPN-UML as his party decided to back the Nepali Congress candidate for presidential polls.

Prachanda’s keenness to fly to India has been evident from his public statements that New Delhi would be his first port of call and that he would visit Delhi “soon”, even as a formal invitation was due.

That Nepal can serve as a bridge between two big economies—India and China— for its own economic development has been a common refrain for long, but it has failed to materialise due largely to unstable Nepali politics. But with mounting economic problems at home and heating competition between India and China, Nepal cannot afford to overlook its foreign policy challenges any more, say experts.

The government’s revenue collection is not enough to sustain the regular expenditure, the market demand has seen a massive contraction, and industries and businesses are tottering. In the first six months of the current fiscal year, foreign direct investment commitments have declined by 44%. The International Monetary Fund has revised Nepal’s economic growth to 4.4% for this fiscal from an earlier 5% estimate in view of sluggish trade and low investment. The country is in dire need of investments.

It is also wishing to export energy, seeking to have a say in the international stage, making its voice heard on issues like climate crisis and looking for partners in the areas of shared interests like security, cybersecurity, development and combating terrorism. To meet these challenges, Nepal has to build stronger ties with its more powerful neighbours as well as the U.S., without getting caught in their competition. A tall ask indeed.

BRI projects

The Chinese are keen to pour money into Nepal under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), to which Nepal signed up in 2017, while New Delhi clearly appears reluctant to be engaged with any project that is part of the BRI. Though nine projects were shortlisted under the BRI, not even one has moved forward. India has agreed to buy electricity from Nepal, but it has made it clear that it will buy power only from those projects where there is no Chinese involvement. A reluctant India, in the past, however, has shown an increased interest in investing in hydropower plants in Nepal. A flurry of visits from the U.S. is viewed in Kathmandu as Washington’s bid to bring Nepal under its security umbrella.

Observers say Prachanda will do well if he can bring domestic actors together for a consistent and coherent foreign policy while employing his government to negotiate projects under the BRI, maximise the benefits for Nepal by implementing the MCC and strengthening cooperation with India in the areas of energy, trade and transit.

“But given the fluid political landscape, for Prachanda, bringing all the parties to consensus on foreign policy is not easy,” said Chandra Dev Bhatta, a political scientist who writes on geopolitical matters. “For years, Nepali politicians have failed to prioritise foreign policy in national interest, and Prachanda is no exception. Since his appointment as the Prime Minister, he has been using all his might to save his government, just as foreign policy remains completely ignored.”

Trust deficit with India

Prachanda has also his task cut out restoring the trust with India. The K.P. Sharma Oli government’s decision in May 2020 to publish a new map showing the Kalapani area, which India claims as its own, within Nepali territory created a big chasm between the two neighbours. “That led to a trust deficit which still continues,” said Mr. Bhatta. “I doubt this will even be an agenda when the Prime Minister visits Delhi.”

Experts say amid the fast-changing world order, Prachanda’s major focus should be on taking India and China, the two immediate neighbours, into confidence, while maintaining robust ties with the U.S.

“There is such a lack of clarity in Nepal’s foreign policy that friendly nations have been engaging with it based on their imagination,” said Mr. Bhatta. “Prachanda’s foremost challenge is to bridge the trust deficit and build confidence with our neighbours.”

Mr. Saud, the newly appointed Foreign Minister, says his government would continue to maintain cordial ties with both India and China. “We have always had cordial and peaceful relations with our neighbours,” he told reporters in Kathmandu on Sunday, after assuming office. “In the coming days too, we will further deepen our ties with all our friendly nations.”

Sanjeev Satgainya is a journalist based in Kathmandu.

Source link

#Nepal #Prachandas #struggles #strike #balance #foreign #policy