Last remaining voices of the Russian opposition are being silenced amid war in Ukraine

Voices raised against the Kremlin are increasingly being silenced as Russia this week handed jail sentences to two prominent opponents of the current regime: Russian-British national Vladimir Kara-Murza was handed a 25-year prison sentence on Monday and a Moscow court on Wednesday dismissed Ilya Yashin’s appeal.

Russian political activist and former journalist Vladimir Kara-Murza, 41, was sentenced on Monday to 25 years in prison for publicly condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. He was convicted of treason and spreading “false” information about the Russian military among other charges. According to the Moscow Times, Kara-Murza’s defence attorney has fled the country over fears of imprisonment.  

Kremlin critic Ilya Yashin, 39, lost his appeal on Wednesday against an eight-and-a-half-year prison sentence that was handed down last year. The longtime ally of jailed opposition leader Alexei Navalny was also found guilty of spreading “false information” regarding the war in Ukraine.  

Both men will soon join Navalny – as well as another 527 political prisoners jailed since February 2022, according to the OVD-Info rights monitor – behind bars. Meanwhile, US journalist Evan Gershkovich, who was arrested on espionage charges, remains in pre-trial detention after his appeal was rejected on Tuesday.  

As the Kremlin’s crackdown on dissenting voices intensifies, Russian lawmakers on Tuesday approved a bill that would see life sentences handed to those convicted of treason amid a wave of toughened censorship laws.

A law criminalising “discrediting Russian armed forces” was adopted on March 4 last year; in the three days that followed, more than 60 cases were opened against those accused of violating the new law, “the vast majority” of them peaceful anti-war protesters, according to Human Rights Watch. 

The Russian opposition, weakened by a recent series of imprisonments and forced exile, is on the verge of extinction. There are almost “no options for expressing criticism” in Russia, where repression has reached a scale “unequalled since the end of World War II”, according to Russia expert Cécile Vaissié of Rennes-II University. But she says a few voices remain, whose presence in Russia carries “symbolic weight”.     

Last remaining voices  

One of those last voices belongs to Yashin’s lawyer, Maria Eismont, who also worked as part of Kara-Murza’s defence team. Eismont, 47, is one of the last liberal lawyers left in Russia willing to defend opponents of Vladimir Putin’s regime. Decrying the harshness of the court decision on Kara-Murza’s case, Eismont vowed to appeal the 25-year sentence, the longest ever handed to a political opponent. 

Russian human rights activist and former chairman of the now-disbanded Memorial Human Rights Centre, Yan Rachinsky, called the sentence “monstrous”, adding that it reflected the authorities’ fear of criticism and “marked a difference between today’s Russia and civilised countries”.  

In late March, an investigation was launched into Rachinsky’s colleague and Memorial co-founder Oleg Orlov over accusations of discrediting Russian forces in Ukraine. A March 21 statement from Memorial said Orlov was detained and questioned after police searched his home before subsequently being released. 

Although Memorial was shut down by the authorities in December 2021, Rachinsky and Orlov remain in the country. Hailing them as “Russian heroes”, Vaissié said they offer a courageous example at the risk of “being arrested at any moment”. 

Meanwhile, others are also facing imprisonment. The former mayor of Yekaterinburg, Yevgeny Vadimovich Roizman, spent 14 days behind bars in March over a social media post relating to Alexei Navalny. Currently under surveillance, Roizman is awaiting trial on charges of “discrediting” the Russian army, for which he could face at least three years in prison. Despite the looming threat, Roizman remains active on social media and continues to participate in the drugs treatment programme that he helped expand during his time in office. 

When artists speak out 

Dissenting voices are also being heard in artistic circles. The frontman of the 1980s rock band DDT, Yuri Shevchuk, has also spoken out against Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. 

During the band’s concert in May last year, Shevchuk told a crowd of 8,000 fans that “the motherland, my friends, is not the president’s ass that has to be slobbered and kissed all the time. The motherland is an impoverished babushka at the train station selling potatoes”. 

The outspoken Kremlin critic’s continued presence in the country alone “sends a clear signal to Russians opposing the war, which reminds us that love for one’s country doesn’t equate to support for the ruling power”, Vaissié said. 

After a police interrogation, Shevchuk was subsequently fined 50,000 rubles ($815) for his on-stage protest, according to the Moscow Times.  

Other artists have also chosen to remain in Russia to protest the current regime, including rights activist and poet Elena Sannikova, who publicly recited a poem evoking Soviet-era repressions on Monday at the Sakharov Center. Labeled as a foreign agent by Russian authorities, the centre is being forced to vacate its premises by the end of the month after nearly 30 years in operation. At the centre’s last event, Sannikova told Muscovites that “David will defeat Goliath, and a new dawn will break.” 

Not quite silenced yet 

While most independent organisations have left Russia since the Ukraine war broke out, human rights defence and media group OVD-Info continues to operate in the country. Founded in 2011 by journalists Grigory Okhotin and programmer Daniil Beilinson, the organisation continues to collect data on local political repression despite part of its team fleeing the country. 

Even Navalny continues to speak out against Putin’s regime from his prison cell, thanks to messages passed on by his lawyers. Denouncing Kara-Murza’s 25-year prison sentence as “shameless and simply fascist”, Nalvany said in an audio recording released by his team that he was “deeply outraged” by the court’s decision.  

Citing speeches made by Kara-Murza and Yashin during their respective trials, Vaissié said “ethical” statements like these represent a “way of setting an example”. Before his sentencing, Yashin addressed Putin directly as he urged the Russian president to “stop this madness immediately”.  

“You must admit that your policies regarding Ukraine have been an error,” he implored. “You must get the Russian troops out of Ukraine and start working on a diplomatic resolution of this conflict. Remember that every new day at war means new casualties. Enough!”

Kara-Murza, meanwhile, remained hopeful in his last statement to the court before the verdict, when defendants usually ask for acquittal. Kara-Murza said his fate had already been decided, but that “the day will come when the darkness over our country will dissipate”.  

“This day will come as inevitably as spring follows even the coldest winter. And then our society will open its eyes and be horrified by what terrible crimes were committed on its behalf. From this realization, from this reflection, the long, difficult but vital path toward the recovery and restoration of Russia, its return to the community of civilized countries, will begin.”

This article was translated from the original in French.

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Thai activists facing royal defamation charges end 50-day hunger strike

Two young Thai protesters facing royal defamation charges announced Saturday they were ending their marathon hunger strike following doctors’ fears they could suffer organ failure.

Tantawan “Tawan” Tuatulanon, 21, and Orawan “Bam” Phupong, 23, began their hunger strike on January 18 to urge political parties to support the abolition of the kingdom’s royal insult laws – among the harshest in the world.

Wednesday marked the 50th day of the young women’s protest. They were freed from custody last month as their health declined.

“Tawan and Bam would like to inform the public that we have stopped the hunger strike to save our lives to continue fighting,” Tawan said in a Facebook post on Saturday. “The medical staff are concerned our kidneys and other organs are affected by the long period without food and water.”

The pair were rushed to Thammasat Hospital near Bangkok on March 3 amid fears they would not survive the night.

Days later they were still alive and determined to continue their strike from hospital. “I talked to them: they are a little bit better. Still very tired,” said their lawyer, Kunthika Nutcharut, on Tuesday. 

Throughout the strike the activists reiterated three demands: justice system reform, the abolition of strict laws that make it illegal for people in Thailand to criticise the monarchy and government, and the release of three activists (who go by the names Kathatorn, Thiranai and Chaiporn) who were refused bail while awaiting trial for taking part in anti-government protests. 

They faced stiff opposition. Thailand has a recent history of pro-democracy protests that gain traction before being put down. Prime Minister Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha has served in his role since seizing power in a military coup in 2014, after which he expanded the use of lèse majesté laws, and successfully thwarted anti-government protests in 2020. 

The ruling Pheu Thai party, together with its previous incarnations, has won every Thai election since 2001. 

“People have said the activists are doing this knowing that they might not even win, but it’s a way to show the public the ugliness of the courts, the monarchy and all the key institutions,” said Pavin Chachavalpongpun, associate professor of politics and international relations at Kyoto University and a political exile from Thailand. 

Hunger strikes 

Tawan and Bam currently face charges for conducting a poll at Siam Paragon shopping mall on February 8, 2022, that asked whether royal motorcades were an inconvenience to Bangkok residents.  

While awaiting trial, Tawan, a university student, and Bam, a supermarket worker, were released on bail in March 2022 on the condition that they ceased participation in protests and activities that insult the royal family.  

On January 16 their bail was revoked at their request, to call attention to the practice of pretrial detention for political activists in Thailand. On January 18, the pair began their hunger strike while housed in Bangkok’s Central Women’s Correctional Institution. 

Within days their condition had deteriorated. “They did dry fasting on the first three days,” Kunthika said, meaning the women refused food and water. “It was so extreme that their bodies became sick to the point that doctors are not usually faced with cases like theirs.”  

The pair were eventually transferred to Thammasat University Hospital near Bangkok, where they received small amounts of water and vitamins on doctors’ orders. On March 3, the 44th day of the strike, they discharged themselves to join dozens of protesters supporting their cause outside Thailand’s Supreme Court. 

A special tent had been set up outside the court to house the women, but by evening doctors feared they were at risk of kidney failure and may not survive the night without medical intervention. Tawan was so weak that she became unresponsive, Kunthika said. “She’s already doing her second hunger strike since last year, and her body has not fully recovered since then.”  

The lawyer says the pair agreed to return to hospital on the basis that while they remain alive, other activists may see charges against them dropped. 

Of the 16 people detained without bail pending trial since anti-government protests in 2020, only three now remain in jail. Many activists were granted bail in February, during the hunger strike. “And some people argue that [their protest] is why the court was willing to set free a number of people charged under these laws,” said Pavin. 

Kunthika said in the same period, dozens of political prisoners have had their obligation to wear electronic tagging devices removed. Some have also had restrictions lifted limiting the hours during which they can leave the house.  

Criticising the monarchy 

Breaking lèse majesté laws, which forbids defamatory, insulting or threatening comments about senior members of the royal family, comes with a penalty of a minimum of three and a maximum of 15 years in prison under article 112 of Thailand’s Criminal Code.  

Although the law officially forbids criticism of senior members of the royal family, activist groups say it is widely misinterpreted by authorities to cover negative comments on any aspect of the monarchy whatsoever. Sedition laws also prohibit criticism of the government. 

Since anti-government protests flared in Thailand in 2020, more than 200 people have been charged with lèse majesté crimes. The law has been used by all political factions to silence opposition, activist groups say. 

Lifting charges for Tawan and Bam’s fellow activists means the Thai court is at risk of undermining its own authority. On one hand, the number of lèse majesté cases in Thailand has “increased significantly” in the past year, Human Rights Watch reports. On the other, if activism can force through legal reversals it shows, “the king could also force the courts to do something. It raises very, very important questions about Thai jurisprudence”, Kunthika said. 

In parliament, two opposition parties, Pheu Thai and Move Forward, have called for two of Tawan and Bam’s three demands to be met – the release of political prisoners and judicial reform. Only Move Forward has broached the third demand, calling for reform – but not removal – of the lèse majesté law. 

As Tawan and Bam’s health has deteriorated, human rights groups have urgently called for the government to engage with the activists, to no avail. “To date, the Thai government has shown little political will to address the situation of the activists on hunger strike,” said Chanatip Tatiyakaroonwong, researcher for Amnesty International’s regional office in Thailand. “In general, they are not giving due weight to the voices of young people involved in protests.” 

Last month the prime minister, through his office’s spokesman, said he hopes the two activists are safe but urged parents to “monitor their children’s behavior and build the correct understandings to ensure that [the children] do not believe and fall victim to political manipulation”.  

‘Imploring and pleading’ 

Anti-government protesters in Thailand are typically young, often children, who rely heavily on social media to spread their message. Tawan and Bam’s case has received more mainstream media coverage within Thailand than expected, their lawyer says, with major newspapers and television channels all reporting on their hunger strike.  

Throughout the protests the pair have tried to strike a non-confrontational tone. Their legal team has said that rather than trying to “force and coerce” authorities the activists are “imploring and pleading … with their own suffering”. 

The sight of two young adults willing to edge so close to death for the release of their fellow activists and the integrity of their country’s institutions is rare. “This is the first time [in Thailand] that people are doing a hunger strike for other people,” Kunthika said. 

There is also international support. Thousands have signed an open letter from Amnesty International appealing to the prime minister to withdraw charges against activists like Tawan and Bam, and to release others. 

“It is still not enough to push the Thai government to take the appropriate actions,” said Chanatip. “It is clear that more support is needed both domestically and internationally to ensure that Thailand stops its crackdown on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, which prompted the hunger strike.” 

The timing of their hunger strike brings also complexities on the ground. General elections are scheduled for May, bringing hope for some that opposition parties will succeed at the ballot box.  

Until then, there is low appetite for anti-government protest – which the hunger strike may have otherwise inspired. “Even among the pro-democracy groups it seems like election is something that they think will be the light at the end of the tunnel,” Pavin said. “[They think] maybe we can hold for the next few months because the election will come. Then if the result doesn’t fulfil us, we can think about protest.” 

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