Venezuela’s Zolfaghar boats are just the latest military equipment provided by Iran

Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro launched military exercises near the border with Guyana on December 28, following weeks of crisis between the neighbouring countries over the Essequibo region. Amid the growing tensions, it emerged that Venezuela is in possession of Iran-made combat boats. The news isn’t surprising, given that Iran has provided the Venezuelan army with boats, drones, rockets and missiles for years.

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For decades, Venezuela has tried to claim Essequibo, a 160,000 km2 territory that is part of neighbouring Guyana. Rich in petrol and natural resources, this region represents two thirds of the overall surface area of Guyana. About a fifth of Guyana’s population lives in this contested region.

Tensions over Essequibo ratcheted up in September after Guyana made a call for bids from oil companies to exploit the region.  

The situation got worse after Venezuela held a controversial referendum on December 3, asking the population about its claim on Essequibo. Maduro then ordered the state oil company to issue licenses authorising Venezuela to exploit the resources of the contested region. 

Though the leaders of Venezuela and Guyana declared in mid-December that they had agreed not to use force against one another, on December 28 Maduro launched military exercises that involved bringing around 5,600 troops to the border region with Guyana. He called it a “response to provocation” by the United Kingdom, after the British sent the warship HMS Trent to Guyana. Georgetown said that the patrol vessel was going to participate in planned routine exercises.

Rapid Iranian combat vessels

It’s in this context that a video appeared on social media in late December showing Iranian combat vessels known as “Zolfaghar boats” filmed at the Puerto Cabello naval base in Venezuela.


This video was filmed in late December in the Puerto Cabello naval base in Venezuela.

The Zolfaghar boats are considered to be fast patrol crafts and can reach up to 52 knots per hour (or 96 km/h). They aren’t the fastest combat ships, but they are comparable to those used by Western countries. The Venezuelan Navy already showed off last summer that they were in possession of Zolfaghar boats.

On the left is the photo of Zolfaghar boats that the Venezuelan Navy publicised during the summer of 2023. On the right is a photo of Zolfaghar boats in the Persian Gulf that was published by Tasnim News, a media outlet with ties to the Revolutionary Guards, back in 2018. © France 24 Observers

There isn’t anything surprising about seeing Iranian boats in Venezuela. Iran and Venezuela have long enjoyed a good relationship, especially after former Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez came to power in 1999. The two countries became even closer in 2005 when Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad took office as both leaders were anti-American and populist.

Slowly but surely, the two countries have developed their military cooperation. Iran first provided Venezuela with weapons in 2008. Aside from the Zolfaghar boats, Iran has also provided Venezuela with drones, rockets and missiles. The FRANCE 24 Observers team has compiled a list of some of the Iranian weapons that Venezuela has in its arsenal after studying images shared by the army and media.

Iranian drones, rockets and missiles in Venezuela

1 – Drones

Exporting drones has become one of Tehran’s specialties. A number of armed groups in places like Libya, Yemen, Iraq, Lebanon and Gaza use Iranian drones, as do countries like Russia, Syria, Sudan, Ethiopia, Tajikistan and Venezuela.

Read moreInside the arsenal: Iranian-sourced weapons used in Hamas and Islamic Jihad’s Israel assault

ANSU-200

Though Venezuela claims that the ANSU-200 is “homemade”, it is actually a copy of the Iranian Shahed 161 drone from the Simorgh drone family. These drones are themselves copies of the American RQ-170 drone. ANSU-200 is a reconnaissance drone with what are known as flying wings.

The image on the left is a screengrab showing a ANSU-200 drone on display in a military parade in Venezuela back in 2022 (screengrab of a video). The image on the right shows an Iranian Shahed 161 drone on display at a military expo in Iran in February 2023.
The image on the left is a screengrab showing a ANSU-200 drone on display in a military parade in Venezuela back in 2022 (screengrab of a video). The image on the right shows an Iranian Shahed 161 drone on display at a military expo in Iran in February 2023. © X / Venezuelan Ministry of Defence, Mizan.

ANSU-100

The ANSU-100 is an Iranian attack drone assembled in Venezuela using Iranian pieces. While Venezuela calls the drone the ANSU-100, its real name, in Iran, is Mohajer-2. Mohajer drones have been developed and made in Iran since the late 1980s.

The image on the left features an ANSU-100 drone in a military parade in Venezuela in 2022. The image on the right shows a ANSU-100 drone in a military expo in Venezuela in 2021.
The image on the left features an ANSU-100 drone in a military parade in Venezuela in 2022. The image on the right shows a ANSU-100 drone in a military expo in Venezuela in 2021. © France 24 Observers

This is a photo of the Mohajer-2 drone taken during an exercise in Iran in 2016.
This is a photo of the Mohajer-2 drone taken during an exercise in Iran in 2016. © Tasnim

ANSU

The ANSU is a small mobile reconnaissance drone called a “Yazdan”. Once again, it is an Iranian-made drone.

The image on the left shows a military expo in Venezuela in July 2023. The image on the right shows a
The image on the left shows a military expo in Venezuela in July 2023. The image on the right shows a “Yazdan” drone on display in a military parade in Iran in 2022. © ISNA (photo on the right)

ANSU-500

This is an Iranian VTOL (vertical take off and landing) attack drone. It can carry four small bombs. Even though this model is called the ANSU-500 by Venezuela, its name in Iran is the “Shahin VTOL”.

The image on the right shows the “Shahin” drone on display by the Iranian military industry during a military expo in Belarus in May 2023. The image on the right shows the ANSU-500 drone in a military expo in Venezuela in 2023.
The image on the right shows the “Shahin” drone on display by the Iranian military industry during a military expo in Belarus in May 2023. The image on the right shows the ANSU-500 drone in a military expo in Venezuela in 2023. © Oswaldo Monterola (photo at right).

Mohajer-6

The Mohajer-6 is a reconnaissance and attack drone that Iran has given to Venezuela. Even though it isn’t Iran’s most powerful attack drone, it can carry bombs or missiles.

On the left is an image of the Iranian Mohajer-6 drone in Venezuela in 2020. The image on the right shows the Iranian Mohajer-6 drone in a photo published in 2018 by Iranian news agencies.
On the left is an image of the Iranian Mohajer-6 drone in Venezuela in 2020. The image on the right shows the Iranian Mohajer-6 drone in a photo published in 2018 by Iranian news agencies. © France 24 Observers

2 – Missiles and rockets

Fajr-1 rockets and rocket-launchers

This is an old rocket launcher developed by Iran in the 1980s. Venezuela has equipped a number of its military vehicles and boats with this type of rocket launcher. The Fajr-1 is a 107 mm rocket. It can shoot more than eight kilometres. It’s an imitation of the “Type-63” Chinese rockets which were built in China in the 1960s. 

These are Fajr-1 rocket launchers that were on display during military parades and military exercises in Venezuela in 2022.
These are Fajr-1 rocket launchers that were on display during military parades and military exercises in Venezuela in 2022. © Prensa FANB

موشک‌های Fajr-1 در قایق‌های IRGC، عکس گرفته شده در خلیج فارس در سال ۲۰۱۲. AFPموشک Fajr-1 در یک نمایشگاه نظامی در سال ۲۰۰۹ در ایران
The image on the left shows a Fajr-1 rocket launcher on display during a military expo in Iran in 2009. The image on the right shows Fajr-1 rocket launchers on boats belonging to Guardians of the Revolution in the Persian Gulf in 2012. © AFP (photo on the right).

Ghaem-1

Iran developed the Ghaem-1, which is a “Smart Miniature Bomb”. Weighing only 12kg, it can be carried by attack drones. It can hit targets between 12 to 40km away.

The image on the left shows the Ghaem-1 bomb on display during a Venezuelan military expo in 2021. The image on the right shows a Ghaem-1 bomb on display at a military expo in Iran in 2022.
The image on the left shows the Ghaem-1 bomb on display during a Venezuelan military expo in 2021. The image on the right shows a Ghaem-1 bomb on display at a military expo in Iran in 2022. © Iranian state media outlets (image on the right)

Nasr cruise missile

The Nasr is an Iranian short-range, anti-ship cruise missile, designed to be used from combat vessels. It can destroy small combat ships up to 35km away. Several images show that a number of Venezuelan combat ships are equipped with this system.


This shows a Nasr missile being fired in Venezuela during military exercises in July 2023.

This Iranian military ship fired this Nasr missile during an exercise in 2020.
This Iranian military ship fired this Nasr missile during an exercise in 2020. © ISNA

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Essequibo referendum: Is Venezuela about to seize part of Guyana?

Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro is organising a referendum on Sunday to decide whether to create a new state in the Essequibo territory, an area currently under the control of neighbouring Guyana. Does Caracas have the means for its territorial ambitions, or is it just political grandstanding?

On December 3, Venezuelans vote for or against the creation of a new Venezuelan state in the Essequibo region. In the eyes of Venezuelan authorities, it is a “consultative” referendum designed to put an end to over 200 years of territorial conflict. 

However, there is one big problem: the land Venezuela wants to potentially extend control over is recognised by the international community as a part of neighbouring Guyana – a sparsely populated country with some 800,000 inhabitants.

The issue has become an obsession for populist President Nicolas Maduro, who often repeats the phrase “El Essequibo es Nuestro” [The Essequibo is ours] in his speeches.

Among four other questions, the referendum asks citizens whether they favour “the creation of the Essequibo state and the development of an accelerated plan for comprehensive care for the current and future population of that territory”.

The outcome of the vote is hardly in doubt according to French daily Le Monde, which reported Thursday that the referendum “will take place without observers” and that no one dared to campaign for the “no” vote.

This situation is causing concern for Guyana’s leaders. Caracas is threatening to deprive its eastern neighbour of more than half of its territory and to make the approximately 200,000 inhabitants of Essequibo Venezuelan citizens.

“The long-term consequences of this referendum could be Venezuela’s de facto annexation of a region which covers 160,000 square kilometers, a significant portion of Guyana [215,000 km²],” says Annette Idler, associate professor at the Blavatnik School of Government at the University of Oxford and a specialist in international security.

On top of significant gold, diamond, and aluminium deposits, the Essequibo has become an offshore paradise for oil and gas interests. Since Exxon discovered hydrocarbon deposits off the coast, black gold has given an unprecedented boost to the economy, raising Guyana’s GDP by no less than 62 percent in 2022.

© Guillermo Rivas Pachecor, Paz Pizarro, Jean-Michel Corbu, Patricio Arana, AFP

Writing in 2015, an American specialist in Latin America, Jose de Arimateia da Cruz, argued the discovery of these underwater oil reserves “strengthened Venezuela’s determination to support its territorial claims on this region”.

The Venezuelan government has been particularly angered by Exxon’s choice to negotiate exclusively with the Guyanese government, suggesting that the US oil giant recognised Guyana’s sovereignty over these waters and the Essequibo region.

A territorial dispute dating back to 1811

The territorial dispute over Essequibo dates back to the colonial era. In 1811, when Venezuela proclaimed its independence, it believed the region was part of its territory. Despite the claims, the United Kingdom, which occupied the territory of present-day Guyana, placed the region under the authority of the British crown. In 1899, an arbitration court ruled in favour of the UK, even though the United States had supported Caracas.

The dispute resurfaced in 1966 when Guyana gained independence. The Geneva Agreement, signed by the UK, Venezuela, and British Guiana, urged countries to agree to a peaceful resolution through dialogue, but Guyana has since sought a resolution through the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – a procedure which Venezuela rejects. 

If the Venezuelan government is pushing for a referendum now, it is partly “because the International Court of Justice declared itself competent in April to settle the dispute”, says Idler.

Maduro does not want to recognise the ruling of the ICJ – a branch of the UN with nonbinding legal authority. He even called on United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to mediate between Venezuela and Guyana.

Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro casts his vote during a consultative referendum on Venezuelan sovereignty over the Esquiba region controlled by neighbouring Guyana, in Caracas on December 3, 2023
Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro casts his vote during a consultative referendum on Venezuelan sovereignty over the Essequibo region, controlled by neighbouring Guyana, in Caracas on December 3, 2023. © Venezuelan Presidency via AFP

There is also – perhaps most importantly – a domestic political element to the referendum. “We must not forget that the presidential election takes place in a year, and Nicolas Maduro is trying to rally support around him by playing to the national sentiment of voters,” explains Idler.

By presenting himself as the champion of nationalism, “he puts the opposition in a delicate position”, she adds. What’s more, “some observers believe he could escalate the situation with Guyana to declare a state of emergency and cancel the presidential election if necessary”.

Faced with the Venezuelan threat, Guyana is relying heavily on international law. A case was referred to the ICJ on October 3 to prevent Caracas from proceeding with its referendum. 

On Friday, the ICJ called on Caracas to take no action that would modify the disputed lands – but it did not mention the referendum.

Is Maduro bluffing?

The risk is that Venezuela may want to take advantage of international attention being focused on two major conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza. Venezuelan troops are already on the border with Guyana “carrying out anti-illegal mining activities”, reports the Financial Times.

If Venezuela were to genuinely attempt to annex Essequibo, “it could destabilise the entire region”, says Idler. Countries like Brazil or Uruguay could be forced to choose sides in this territorial conflict.

But the annexation threat could also be a bluff. Venezuela may not have the means to seize the territory, says Idler. “The authorities exercise limited control over the border regions from where Caracas would need to launch troops to take possession of this region.”

Venezuela’s president knows that such a move would prompt the United States to reimpose the sanctions that Washington has just lifted on oil exports, says Idler. Economically very fragile, Venezuela may think twice before taking such a risk.

Regardless of how the roughly 20 million eligible Venezuelans vote, little will change in the short term – the people of Essequibo are not voting, and the referendum is nonbinding.

Either way, says Idler, Maduro can hardly afford to act on his nationalist impulse.

“He will then have to choose between discrediting himself in the eyes of voters and facing new American sanctions.”

This article was translated from the original in French.

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CGX and Frontera make discoveries offshore Guyana

CGX Energy Inc. and Frontera Energy Corporation, the majority shareholder of CGX and joint venture partner of CGX in the Petroleum Prospecting License for the Corentyne block offshore Guyana, have announced the discovery of a total of 114 ft (35 m) of net pay at the Wei-1 well on the Corentyne block, approximately 200 km offshore from Georgetown, Guyana.

The joint venture believes that the rock quality discovered in the Maastrichtian horizon in the Wei-1 well is analogous to that reported in the Liza Discovery on Stabroek block.

Results further demonstrate the potential for a standalone shallow oil resource development across the Corentyne block. The Joint Venture has discovered
total net pay of 342 ft (104 m) to date on the Corentyne block.

The joint venture has also announced that Houlihan Lokey, a global investment bank and capital markets expert, is supporting active pursuit of strategic options for the Corentyne block, including a potential farm down, as it seeks to develop this oil investment in one of the most attractive oil and gas destinations in the world today, Guyana. There can be no guarantee that the review of strategic options will result in a transaction.

Gabriel de Alba, Chairman of Frontera’s Board of Directors, and Co-Chairman of CGX’s Board of Directors, commented: “On behalf of the Joint Venture, I am pleased to announce the discovery of 114 ft (35 m) of net pay at the
Wei-1 well. The proven presence of medium sweet crude oil in high-quality Maastrichtian cored reservoir at the Wei-1 well, combined with the previous discovery of 68 feet of hydrocarbon log pay in Maastrichtian blocky
sands in the Kawa-1 well in 2022, confirmed the significant potential of the Corentyne block. With the joint venture’s two-well drilling programme now complete, and as a result of inbound expressions of interest from
various global third parties, the joint venture is working with Houlihan Lokey to support a review of strategic options for the Corentyne block, including a potential farm down, as it progresses its efforts to maximise value
from its potentially transformational investments in Guyana.”

Orlando Cabrales, Chief Executive Officer of Frontera, commented: “The independent lab results from the Wei-1 well are particularly encouraging for the Maastrichtian zone. Results indicate that the rock quality in the Maastrichtian at Wei-1 is analogous to that reported in the Liza discovery on Stabroek block, further demonstrating the potential for a standalone shallow oil resource
development across the entire Corentyne block. In addition, the joint venture believes that, further potential upside exists in the Campanian, in which mobile light oil was proven in downhole analysis of samples and the Santonian, which has log pay and remains a potential target for future developments. As is normal course, following discoveries such as those made by the joint venture at Wei and Kawa, additional appraisal activities will be required to further assess commerciality and as input to optimise subsurface and production system
development planning.”

Professor Suresh Narine, Executive Co-Chairman of CGX’s Board of Directors, commented: “These are exciting times for the joint venture. The Wei-1 well met the joint venture’s expectations with the successful discovery of oil. Wei-1 also delivered a tremendous amount of data, which the joint venture is now
incorporating into its geologic and geophysical models to update its initial evaluation of Kawa, and the potential in the Maastrichtian in particular, as well as its view of the potential of the remaining undrilled prospects including the prospective areas in between the Wei-1 and Kawa-1 wells. Armed with this information, the joint venture is levering Houlihan Lokey’s extensive expertise in the global O&G sector to complete a strategic review of options for the Corentyne block in one of the most exciting exploration basins in the world.”

Wei-1 results

The Wei-1 well, located approximately 14 km northwest of the joint venture’s previous Kawa-1 discovery, was safely drilled by the NobleCorp Discoverer semi-submersible mobile drilling unit in water depth of approximately 1912 f (583 m) to a total depth of 20 450 ft (6233 m). The Wei-1 well targeted Maastrichtian, Campanian and Santonian aged stacked sands within channel and fan complexes in the northern section of the Corentyne block. As reported on 28 June 2023, the joint venture’s data acquisition programme at the Wei-1 well included wireline logging, MDT fluid samples and sidewall coring throughout the various intervals. Based on this data acquisition programme and additional information provided through the independent laboratory analysis process, the joint venture is pleased to report the following:

  • In the Maastrichtian, Wei-1 test results confirm 13 ft (4 m) of net pay in high quality sandstone reservoir with rock quality consistent with that reported in the Liza discovery on Stabroek block. Fluid samples retrieved from the Maastrichtian and log analysis confirm the presence of sweet medium crude oil with a gas-oil ratio (GOR) of approximate 400 ft3/bbl.
  • In the Campanian, petrophysical analysis confirms 61 ft (19 m) of net pay almost completely contained in one contiguous sand body with good porosity and moveable oil. Oil sampled during MDT testing as well as samples analysed downhole confirm the presence of light crude oil.
  • In the Santonian, petrophysical analysis confirms 40 ft (12 m) of net pay in blocky sands with indications of oil in core samples.
  • Current interpretation of the Campanian and Santonian horizons show lower permeability than the high-quality Maastrichtian, the joint venture believes these horizons may offer additional upside potential in the future.

There were no safety or environmental incidents throughout Wei-1 well operations.

Total costs associated for the Wei-1 well are now estimated to be within US$185 – US$190 million following the successful implementation of several initiatives. Following the agreement reached between CGX and Frontera,
the company will transfer up to 4.7% of its participating interest in the Corentyne block in exchange for Frontera’s funding CGX’s unexpected additional costs associated with the Wei-1 well, which amount to
approximately US$16.5 million. If the maximum transfer occurs, the company will retain a 27.3% participating interest, while Frontera will hold a 72.7% participating interest in the Corentyne block. It is anticipated that this
transaction will be completed during December 2023.

Conceptual field development planning completed

Based on results from the Wei-1 and Kawa-1 wells, the joint venture retained SIA, a Subsea 7 – Schlumberger Joint Venture, to complete a conceptual field development plan for the northern portion of the Corentyne block including subsea architecture, development well planning, production and export facilities and other considerations. As is normal course following discoveries such as those made by the Joint Venture at Wei-1 and Kawa-1 wells, additional appraisal activities will be required before commerciality can be determined.

While such additional appraisal activities will be necessary, as a result of the third-party analysis of the Wei-1 well test results, the joint venture believes that a potential development of the Maastrichtian horizon may have lower
associated development costs and be completed on a faster timeline than a broader development of both the shallow and deep zones on the entire Corentyne block.

Read the article online at: https://www.oilfieldtechnology.com/drilling-and-production/13112023/cgx-and-frontera-make-discoveries-offshore-guyana/



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