Uzbekistan needs a new economic approach that includes LGBTQ+ people

By M V Lee Badgett, Professor of economics, UMASS Amherst

Countries that have decriminalised homosexuality have 4.5 times higher rates of foreign direct investment (FDI) than countries that criminalise consensual same-sex relationships, M V Lee Badgett writes.

Spring in Samarkand returns flowering trees and vivid colour to the ancient Silk Road trading post, along with some less traditional arrivals this year – officials from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD). 

The theme of EBRD’s annual meeting in Samarkand is investing in resilience to promote economic stability and growth.

Modern bankers have new tools to use to encourage economic growth in Uzbekistan and other countries in Central Asia. 

One of the least known but potentially powerful tools is promoting the economic inclusion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex people (LGBTI) — a strategy increasingly embraced by global financial institutions, development banks, and multinational corporations.

Barriers remain high

LGBTI people face challenges to their full participation in economies everywhere, but the barriers are particularly high in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, the last two countries in Central Asia that criminalise homosexuality. 

Others in the region dropped those legal penalties for LGBTI people after becoming independent from the Soviet Union.

In January, Singapore became the latest country to decriminalise, with the prime minister noting that gay people “contribute fully to Singapore” and acknowledging that their hopes of being respected and accepted are reasonable. 

This landmark legal change came after a 15-year compromise in which Singaporean legislators left the criminal law in place but agreed not to enforce it.

Unlike Singapore, though, Uzbekistan has been particularly aggressive in arresting, torturing, and incarcerating gay men. 

Police arrest and beat gay men because of the “sin” they are committing or for financial gain, demanding payments to hold back on releasing information to the men’s families or to the public. 

Gay men, their friends, and sometimes their families must pay bribes to be released from police custody. Social media vigilantes also target LGBTI people and allies for harassment and violence.

Violence and stigma endanger LGBTI people’s health

These examples of poor treatment help us see the connection between antigay laws and practices to the needs of Uzbekistan’s economy. 

The most immediate effect is on health, a vital aspect of what economists call human capital—the energy, skills, knowledge, and creativity that people can deploy in the economy. 

Beatings and other forms of violence can generate physical injuries as well as psychological damage, diminishing the human capital available to the economy.

In addition, human rights agencies report that Uzbek gay men have experienced forced anal examinations (considered by many to be a form of torture) and sometimes resort to suicide attempts.

HIV clinics have even reported gay men to the government and police, discouraging people from getting the testing and treatment that will prolong their lives and prevent transmission of HIV.

Even those LGBTI people who haven’t yet had such experiences would logically fear such treatment if they were more open. 

Hiding one’s sexuality or gender identity might help avoid some harms of homophobia or transphobia, but global evidence shows that staying in the closet also contributes to psychological and physical health conditions. 

Overall, the research shows that violence, stigma, and discrimination make LGBTI people sick.

Exclusion also drains the economy

These are also conditions that make it hard to conduct surveys on what happens to LGBTI people in other parts of the economy. 

As a result, we have little research on how young LGBTI people survive their schooling in Uzbekistan or on how much discrimination LGBTI people face in the workplace or other marketplaces. 

However, it is reasonable to think that LGBTI people are also vulnerable to maltreatment in those settings in Uzbekistan. 

Bullying, harassment, and discrimination also reduce the educational achievements and work productivity of LGBTI people, holding back Uzbekistan’s businesses and overall economy even more.

These forms of exclusion in education, health, and the workplace add up to a big drain on a country’s economy. 

Countries that have exclusionary LGBTI-related laws and public opinion have lower GDP per capita. Studies from other countries put the cost of anti-LGBTI treatment at 1% or more of a country’s GDP.

Meanwhile, there is a strong correlation between inclusion and growth

A recent study focusing on Uzbekistan points out that countries that have decriminalised homosexuality have 4.5 times higher rates of foreign direct investment (FDI) than countries that criminalise consensual same-sex relationships. 

That might be one reason why Uzbekistan has the lowest rate of FDI as a percentage of GDP in the Central Asia region. 

There is a strong correlation between LGBTI inclusion and both the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Index and the World Bank’s Human Capital Index. 

Attracting foreign investment is one of Uzbekistan’s economic priorities, along with expanding the market for its goods and services in other countries as well as local tourism.

One way the EBRD can help Uzbekistan achieve those goals is to help bring Uzbekistan’s law and practice into alignment with human rights and with smart economic policy. 

Inclusion of LGBTI people — starting with eliminating the harmful abuse of gay men — and of other vulnerable groups is an important strategy for a resilient, thriving economy.

M V Lee Badgett, PhD is a professor of economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, and the author of The Economic Case for LGBT Equality: Why Fair and Equal Treatment Benefits Us All.

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It’s halftime for the 2030 Agenda. We now need to score more goals

By Svenja Schulze, Federal Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development of Germany

Although, as a global community, we are a long way off from achieving the 17 SDGs, we are now at a crossroads and need to set a course that will allow us to better hit our targets in the second half, German Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development Svenja Schulze writes.

In 2015, the international community achieved an incredible feat — the member countries of the United Nations unanimously agreed on a set of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). 

These are the goals that apply equally to all the nations of the world. 

They are a triumph of multilateralism and a strong signal for global solidarity. 

Because the 2030 Agenda stands for a fundamental consensus that is unique in the history of the world and that offers — in the words of the UN — a blueprint to achieve a better and more sustainable future for all.

The agenda gets a mid-term review

2023 — the 2030 Agenda’s half-time — is a key year because we will do a mid-term review of the 17  SDGs. 

There isn’t much to celebrate, though: there are at least eight SDGs where the international community had made progress on some of the individual targets up to 2019, but that progress has now been reversed. 

For example, in the period from 2019 to 2021, the number of people in the world suffering from hunger rose while life expectancy fell.

In many ways, however, the prospects for success have improved: the international community has significantly more knowledge and experience, and some progress has been made. 

Nevertheless, from a global point of view, all the SDGs are off track. 

Despite some good passing, we are still not scoring enough goals. And because there is no extra time, we need to up our accuracy.

How can we get back on track — and even score a few more goals? 

I see particular promise in three areas: World Bank reform, a feminist development policy and strong social protection systems worldwide.

Reform of the World Bank: shared responsibility in global partnerships

The World Bank has a key role to play in tackling global challenges because not only is it the biggest development financier. It also has the goal of promoting shared prosperity. 

In times of global crises, this requires a reform of the Bank’s business model to explicitly include protecting global public goods in the World Bank’s mission statement. 

Incentive structures need to be improved: investing in the protection of global public goods needs to be made more attractive for borrowing countries. 

In the same way, there must also be incentives for regional and international cooperation. At the analytical level, the overall economic costs — by which I mean both the private costs and the social costs — need to be taken into account when investment projects are evaluated. 

In the case of investments in mobility infrastructure, for instance, these costs also include aspects like putting a price on CO2 emissions or the health costs of air pollution.

It is important for me that protecting global public goods does not take precedence over reducing poverty or any of the other SDGs. 

What we need to do is step up our overall commitment in terms of results and funding. 

That is why I am advocating that the World Bank reform should entail a broadening of the Bank’s funding flexibility. 

By making better use of its available capital, it can increase its lending capacities — and still maintain its AAA rating. 

I am confident that, with a reform of the World Bank, we will be able to give more impetus to the entire 2030 Agenda starting this year.

A feminist development policy: rights, resources and representation

The aim of our feminist development policy is to change power structures — because power is empowering. And that moves societies forward as a whole. 

A feminist development policy not only promotes gender equality and reduces inequalities. 

It also combats poverty and hunger, contributes to more inclusive economic growth and has enormous potential for promoting more peaceful societies — all SDGs in our Agenda. 

In concrete terms, this means that for German development policy, we aim to allocate 93% of new project funds for gender equality by 2025.

While 8% is to be channelled into projects that have gender equality as their main objective, the remaining 85% into projects that have it as their secondary objective.

Social protection leaves no one behind — which is why we need global partnerships

The goal of the German development policy is to leave no one behind. 

And this principle has been put to a hard test by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic and by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. 

Indeed, the poorest people are the ones who suffer the most from the impacts of crises and wars.

Societies with less inequality are not just less prone to crises. 

They also enable disadvantaged people to have better access to education and health and to participate more in political and economic life. 

The German development ministry is therefore promoting the establishment and expansion of social protection systems both with its partner countries and at the multilateral level. 

Following an initiative started by the German government, the G7 has set itself the goal of enabling access to social protection for one billion more people worldwide by 2025. 

Together with the World Bank, the International Labour Organization (ILO) and other partners, Germany is therefore supporting the UN Global Accelerator on Jobs and Social Protection for Just Transitions. 

With a group of pathfinder countries, the Accelerator is piloting new approaches with a view to creating decent work and enhancing access to social protection for all. 

Within the framework of German development cooperation with partner countries in the Global South, we are also supporting structural reforms aimed at firmly establishing social protection systems — including the funding for them — as part of the institutional landscape.

2023 will set the course for Agenda’s second half

These positive interactions bring me back to my starting point. 

Although, as a global community, we are a long way off from achieving the 17 SDGs, in 2023, we are at a crossroads and need to set a course that will allow us to better hit our targets in the second half. 

I am certain we can do that with the right priorities. We, therefore, need an ambitious reform of the World Bank aimed at protecting global public goods. 

I am advocating for a feminist development policy to strengthen the rights, resources and representation of women. And I support resilient social protection. 

With these tactics, German development policy is lining up for the second half of the 2030 Agenda. 

Unlike a football game, we are not playing against our opponents. We are playing together with our partners around the world. 

And that is why a good assist means a better chance of scoring goals for all.

_Svenja Schulze is Germany’s Federal Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ).
_

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