Will the 2024 Olympics change image of Paris region’s troubled Seine-Saint-Denis?

Less than 500 metres separate the Stade de France — the sparkling centrepiece of the Paris Olympics — and the crumbling Francs-Moisins estate plagued by poverty and crime.

Samia Achoui, a secretary who lives in one of the grey blocks dogged by drug dealing, doesn’t have a ticket to see the Games.

Instead she will listen from her window to the cheers and applause echoing over the canal.

Despite its name, the Paris Olympics will take place mostly in Seine-Saint-Denis on the other side of the “peripherique” ring road that divides the French capital from some of its poorest and most notorious suburbs, known as banlieues.

The densely populated working-class department north of Paris hosts four of the Games’ big venues, the athletes’ village and other key Olympic sites.

Paris’s pitch for the Games — which run from July 26 to August 11 — leaned hard on regenerating an area that has absorbed wave after wave of immigration and has the country’s youngest population. A third of its 1.6 million people lives below the poverty line.

France not only hopes to use the Olympics to turbo-charge ongoing redevelopment there, but to recast the fevered image of Seine-Saint-Denis as a crime-ridden collection of ghettos forged during suburban riots which started there in 2005.

Its reputation took a further battering in the world’s media after the 2022 Champions League Final fiasco, when football fans were attacked and robbed on their way into the Stade de France.


French security forces are seen before the 2022 Champions League final at the Stade de France outside Paris. © Maryam El Hamouchi, AFP

‘People’s Games’?

Mohamed Gnabaly is relentlessly upbeat about how the Games could help change Seine-Saint-Denis.

The mayor of Ile-Saint-Denis, the narrow island in the River Seine where part of the athletes’ village has been built, is “obsessed” about making the Olympics “a people’s Games”.

Read moreParis 2024 Olympic Village: A welcome makeover of Seine-Saint-Denis?

So much so that his little municipality has bought 7,000 tickets — one for pretty much all of its inhabitants.

The island, which has its share of grim apartment blocks, has been turned upsidedown by construction works for the Olympics.

But the mayor is determined it will now extract the maximum benefit from the Games, notwithstanding that his town hall was ransacked when rioting again erupted in poor suburbs across France last June after police shot and killed a teenager at a traffic stop just outside Paris.

“I have been working on this for three years,” said Gnabaly, who is proud the island is also home to the Olympics’ “Africa Station”, a fan zone dedicated to African culture and sport.

Mohamed Gnabaly (R), the mayor of Ile-Saint-Denis, shows French President Emmanuel Macron around the Olympic Village.
Mohamed Gnabaly (R), the mayor of Ile-Saint-Denis, shows French President Emmanuel Macron around the Olympic Village. © Ludovic Marin, AFP

“We have suffered (with all the work) but not only will this transform our town, we will be at the heart of the reactor,” the mayor insisted. “We are not going to be left out by the Games.”

His optimism is not shared by everyone across Seine-Saint-Denis.

“There are two extremes,” said Cecile Gintrac of Vigilance JO, a local watchdog group. “One part of Paris is going to be a big party while the other won’t be able to go to work or get around” because of all the Olympic road closures and restrictions.

Delivery driver Moussa Syla, 45, who lives in the Francs-Moisins estate — which is also getting a major facelift — said the thought of the disruption brings him out in a cold sweat.

“It is going to be a nightmare to get around,” he said.

Renaissance

It is hard to go anywhere in Seine-Saint-Denis these days without seeing scaffolding or cranes building whole new neighbourhoods.

The Olympics is part of a long-term push to drag up the department that began with the symbolic decision to build the Stade de France there for the 1998 World Cup, which France’s “rainbow” multiracial team went on to win.

French football legend Thierry Henry (L) and Youri Djorkaeff kiss the World Cup trophy after France won it at Stade de France in 1998.
French football legend Thierry Henry (L) and Youri Djorkaeff kiss the World Cup trophy after France won it at the Stade de France in 1998. © Gabriel Bouys, AFP

High property prices in Paris and a massive soon-to-delivered extension of its metro system into Seine-Saint-Denis — Europe‘s single biggest infrastructure project — has made the department attractive for developers.

Companies like Tesla are moving their French headquarters to its former industrial areas where factories have long shut.

“We need to find a second wind for Seine-Saint-Denis so jobs stay here,” said Isabelle Vallentin, the number two at Solideo, the state body charged with delivering the Olympic projects.

And Seine-Saint-Denis’s “extremely decrepit housing has to be developed,” she added.

A large slice of the 4.5-billion-euro ($4.8 billion) building budget for the Games is going into this push, with the department the big winner, taking around 80 percent of 1.7 billion euros in public money. While private investment is harder to quantify, it likely is not far behind.

Housing legacy

The Olympic Village, the Games’ biggest building project and a whole new eco-neighbourhood in itself, will house 14,250 athletes and their support teams as well as 6,000 Paralympians.

Part of the Olympic Village, where many of the buildings are made of wood.
Part of the Olympic Village, where many of the buildings are made of wood. © Ian Langsdon, AFP

Built on a former industrial zone along the River Seine, it is architecturally varied, with many buildings overlooking the river. All those under eight floors are built of wood and all the village’s energy comes from heat pumps and renewables.

Once the Paralympics finish, the village will morph into a mixed neighbourhood of apartments and offices, the first of its 6,000 new residents moving in early next year, followed by a similar number of workers.

But only a third of the 2,800 apartments will be sold on the open market.

Contrary to previous Games like London — where the organisers were accused of “gentrification on an industrial scale” and not keeping their promises to locals — Solideo’s Vallentin said they insisted developers “respond first to (local) housing needs”.

So 25 to 40 percent of the apartments, depending on the three municipalities the village spans, will go to social housing, with the rest let out at “affordable” rents through semi-public housing bodies.

Seine-Saint-Denis’s other big headline win is a clutch of new swimming pools, of which it is in dire need.

The most eye-catching is the Olympic Aquatic Centre, a spectacular undulating wood edifice opposite the Stade de France where the diving, water polo and artistic swimming medals will be decided.

The spectacular wooden aquatic centre built for the Paris Olympics.
The spectacular wooden aquatic centre built for the Paris Olympics. © Bertrand Guay, AFP

It will also get the main Olympic pool, which is to be dismantled and divided in two after the Games, as well as a new training pool. The organisers are also helping pay for two others.

‘A real plus’

Olympic-related sites have been popping up like confetti across Seine-Saint-Denis, with the little town of Dugny likely to be transformed by the Games.

Its population is set to grow by a third with housing on a site inherited from the Olympics’ “media cluster”. Badly served by public transport until now, Dugny is using the Games to diversify its housing stock, 77 percent of which is social housing — the highest rate in France.

One-third of the 1,400 new homes are being set aside to help get people on the property ladder.

Dugny’s young mayor Quentin Gesell said many of his friends “who had grown up like me in Dugny have had to leave because they can neither buy here or rent [their incomes being too high for social housing] when they would have preferred to stay close to their families”.

Another more subtle transformation is likely to come through a series of new footbridges linking areas long divided by the major road and rail arteries that slice through the department.

Back near the Francs-Moisins estate, a foot and bike bridge is being built across the Saint-Denis canal to the Stade de France, replacing an old and unreliable rotating road bridge and a steep-stepped pedestrian crossing.

“It’s a nightmare to cross now,” said Karene, a mother of three. “You have to fold up the pushchair and take the baby in the other arm. So this is really great, a real plus for the area.”

The bridge had been talked of for years but the Games got it over the line, putting up two-thirds of the 10.5-million-euro cost.

The Olympics have been the “pivot point that has accelerated the transformation” of the department, Stephane Troussel, the socialist head of Seine-Saint-Denis council, told AFP.

“In record time we have managed to deliver a huge amount of infrastructure, housing, roads and bridges,” he said.

‘Badly paid’ jobs

But there are doubts over the jobs the Games promised to deliver to the department, whose 10.4 percent unemployment rate is nearly a third higher than the national average.

“The Games are recruiting — get yourself a job!” declared the flyer for an Olympic job fair near Charles de Gaulle airport in December.

“I have been to a lot of these and it’s always the same,” said Fouad Yousfi as he went between stands looking for cleaners and pastry chefs. “Not exactly the companies you would like to work for, and often badly paid.”

Stephane Laurent, 47, who was looking to “get work quickly”, left another fair in Saint-Denis with an offer to train as a security guard — something the Games have a huge need for.

While around 180,000 people will work on the Games, according to official estimates, most will be on short-term contracts, such as the 6,000 people taken on by Sodexo for catering at the Olympic Village.

Paris Olympics 2024: Seine-Saint-Denis, a French department of contrasts.
© Sabrina Blanchard, Sylvie Husson, AFP

“We have to be honest, there is probably a mismatch between what was expected of the Games and the level of unemployment and precarity we have,” said Bernard Thibault, a former CGT union leader who sits on the Olympics committee.

Local firms have also benefited, picking up contracts worth 330 million euros, according to Seine-Saint-Denis council.

But others question whether the Games’ economic dividend has filtered down.

“We are one of the winners,” said Mehdi Ourezifi of Services Persos, a local back-to-work nonprofit that landed part of the laundry contract for the Olympic Village. “But generally local companies and back-to-work schemes are disappointed” given the windfall the Games offered, he added.

Stubborn old image

Yet beyond the economic and infrastructural gains, one of the biggest Olympics legacies could be how Seine-Saint-Denis is seen.

Police have already stepped up operations targeting drug dealers, street vendors and others who “monopolise public spaces”, and a massive security operation is planned for the Games themselves.

But after a police station was attacked last week after a youth was killed by a police car during a chase, and the head of the Mongolian delegation was robbed of jewels worth nearly 600,000 euros on his way to a security committee meeting in October, the bad old image is proving difficult to shake.

In welcoming visitors from all over the world this summer, Seine-Saint-Denis hopes to write a new chapter of its history, one that plays up its diversity and potential rather than crime and sporadic outbursts of rioting.

Back on the Francs-Moisins estate, Karene is praying that “the visibility” will do everyone good.

“I hope it is well organised, because if it is like the football (the chaotic scenes before the 2022 Champions League Final), Saint-Denis’s image will plummet again.”

(AFP)

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Racist attacks on pop star Aya Nakamura test France’s ability to shine at Paris Olympics

Rumours that French pop star Aya Nakamara may sing at the opening ceremony of the Paris Olympics have triggered a flurry of attacks from the French far right, questioning the host country’s ability to appreciate the globally acclaimed talent emerging from its neglected suburbs with large immigrant populations.

With the Paris Olympics still months away, the host country has already won gold in a category it truly owns: divisive racial controversy with “made in France” flair.  

That’s how public broadcaster France Inter summed up a row over unconfirmed rumours that Aya Nakamura would perform an Édith Piaf song during the Games’ opening ceremony in front of a crowd of 300,000 gathered along the River Seine

Nakamura, 28, has become a global superstar for hits like “Djadja”, which has close to a billion streams on YouTube alone. On the international stage, she is the most popular French female singer since Piaf sang “La vie en rose”, a rare case of a French artist whose songs reach well beyond the Francophone world.  

She is also the proud face of the neglected banlieues (suburbs) of Paris, which have produced many of France’s best-known icons of music and sport – and which will soon host the Olympic Village. 


On paper, tapping her for the curtain-raiser of “the biggest show on earth” is a no-brainer. 

But the mere suggestion triggered a vitriolic response from members of France’s ascendant far right, for whom Nakamura is unfit to represent France. Their sometimes racist arguments have in turn prompted outrage and bafflement, leading government ministers to wade into a debate that has had precious little to do with music. 

“If this were about music, we wouldn’t even have a debate – Nakamura is France’s biggest pop star, full stop,” said Olivier Cachin, a prominent music journalist who was among the first to speak out on social media in defence of the singer.  

“But it’s not about music. It’s about the colour of her skin,” he added. “It’s racism, pure and simple.”  

‘You can be racist but not deaf’ 

The controversy follows media reports that Nakamura discussed performing a song by Piaf during a meeting with President Emmanuel Macron at the Elysée Palace last month – though neither party has confirmed the rumour.  

On Saturday, a small extremist group known as the “Natives” hung a banner on the banks of the Seine that read: “No way, Aya. This is Paris, not the Bamako market” – a reference to Nakamura’s birth in Mali‘s capital. 

The next day, the singer’s name was booed at a campaign rally for the far-right Reconquête party of Eric Zemmour, the former pundit and presidential candidate who has been convicted of inciting racial hatred. In a bizarre rant, Zemmour claimed “future babies (…) don’t vote for rap, nor for lambada, nor for Aya Nakamura: they vote for Mozart!” 

Right-wing pundits posing as music critics appeared on news programmes and chat shows to mock the singer’s unorthodox spelling and slang-infused lyrics, stripped of her distinctive rhythm and vibe, while the Senate’s conservative head Gérard Larcher took offence at her use of the sexually explicit slang term “catchana” (“doggy style”) – in the land of Serge Gainsbourg, of all places. 


Nakamura has responded to the vitriol, writing on social media: “You can be racist but not deaf… That’s what hurts you! I’m becoming a number 1 state subject in debates… but what do I really owe you? Nada.” 

The singer was backed by the Olympics’ organising committee, which said it was “shocked by the racist attacks” levelled at “the most listened-to French artist in the world”.        

Sports Minister Amélie Oudéa-Castéra also expressed her support on social media, telling Nakamura she had the people’s backing, while Culture Minister Rachida Dati raised the matter in the French National Assembly, warning that “attacking someone purely on racist grounds (…) is unacceptable; it’s an offence”. 

On Friday, Paris prosecutors said they were investigating allegations of racist attacks against the pop star following a complaint filed by the anti-racism advocacy group Licra.

For Whites only 

For Karim Hammou and Marie Sonnette-Manouguian, co-authors of a book charting 40 years of hip-hop music in France, Nakamura’s elevation to a “state subject” is part of a concerted strategy of exploiting cultural events to serve the far right’s reactionary, identity politics. 

“The pattern is always the same: far-right leaders voice outrage on social media, until the controversy is picked up by a larger audience in the media and the mainstream right,” they said in written remarks to FRANCE 24. 

Rappers and R&B singers are routinely used as scapegoats in debates that go well beyond them,” they added. “The real question being raised here is that of the participation of people of immigrant background (…) in French culture and in enriching its language and modes of expression.” 

If Nakamura were White, there would be no such debate, added Bettina Ghio, who has written several books on the language of French rap, the country’s most popular musical genre – but one that has long been frowned upon by politicians and the musical establishment.  

“The far right cannot bear the idea that non-white people of immigrant descent can represent France on the international stage – let alone sing from the repertoire of White artists,” she explained. 

Ghio cited the case of Youssoupha, a French rapper of Congolese descent, who suffered similar attacks when his song “Ecris mon nom en bleu” (“Write my name in blue”) was chosen as the unofficial anthem of the French national team at the men’s Euro 2021 football tournament. 

“The Nakamura controversy should not be isolated from past incidents in which the far right has taken aim at artists and athletes based on the colour of their skin,” she said, pointing to the frequent slurs levelled at the racially diverse French squads that won the football World Cups in 1998 and 2018.  

Lilian Thuram, the Caribbean-born former international who was part of the Black, Blanc, Beur (Black, White, Arab) squad of 1998, spoke in defence of Nakamura in an interview with France Info radio on Tuesday. 

“When people say she’s not fit to represent France, I know exactly what criteria they have in mind because the same arguments were used against me,” said the retired player, an outspoken campaigner against racism in France. He said the question of whether Nakamura should perform at the Olympics was being presented the wrong way. 

“If you ask people whether the most popular French artist in the world should perform at the Olympics, a majority would say ‘yes’,” he added. “Like it or not, she’s the best. And that’s why she should represent France.” 

A cosmopolitan mix 

Thuram noted that Nakamura was often mistakenly labelled a rapper, a habit he attributed to racial and class-based prejudice. 

“Why do people think she’s a rapper? Because she’s Black,” he said. “It’s as if we were discussing some random artist from the suburbs and not France’s biggest star. It’s insulting.” 

Nakamura’s music mixes R&B with the highly danceable rhythms of Afrobeat and Carribean Zouk. But right-wing criticism of her work sometimes echoes the prejudice aimed at France’s thriving rap scene, a driver of vociferous social criticism for the past three decades. 


“The far right cannot stand the criticism of France’s colonial history voiced by rappers,” said Ghio. “Zemmour has made hateful comments on television about rap, describing it as a subculture for illiterates … that wrecks the French language.” 

Zemmour’s deputy Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, the niece of rival far-right leader Marine Le Pen, made similar comments on Tuesday, stating on BFMTV that, “Aya Nakamura does not sing in French. She does not represent French culture and elegance.” 

Such claims are “preposterous”, said Cachin, for whom the pop star “simply speaks today’s French, rich in slang and expressions, and does so very well.” He added: “Other more mainstream artists do this as well, without attracting the same kind of scrutiny.” 

Nakamura, whose real last name is Danioko, sings in French, but her lyrics borrow heavily from argot, the French slang, as well as English, Arabic and Bambara, the Malian language spoken by her parents. Her cosmopolitan mix is inspired by her upbringing in a family of griots, Malian poets steeped in music. 

The term “Djadja”, from her breakthrough hit, refers to a liar who boasts about sleeping with her. It has become a rallying cry for female campaigners against sexism and sexist violence. “Pookie”, the title of another hugely popular song, comes from the French slang term poucave, meaning a snitch. 


“Her songs bring vitality to the French language, because there’s a lot of research into sounds and rhythms, and adopting new terms that are popular with youths, particularly in the suburbs,” said Ghio. She drew a parallel with prominent rappers PNL, who experiment with accents, placing them elsewhere in words to generate new sounds. 

“To ignore their work is to consider French as a dead language that hasn’t changed one bit over the past 40 years,” Ghio said, adding that she looked forward to hearing Nakamura experiment with Piaf’s repertoire. 

Piaf in the banlieue 

The scion of poverty-stricken street performers, Piaf was also once derided for her unorthodox style and frequent use of slang terms that postwar elites frowned upon. 

“Popular music has always been attacked by bourgeois commentators and self-styled guardians of proper French language,” said Hammou and Sonnette-Manouguian. “In her day, Piaf was frequently criticised for her performances, her physique and her morals,” they added, denouncing attempts to create a “false opposition” between the legendary 20th century singer and Nakamura. 

Piaf has long been revered in the urban music scene of the Paris suburbs, sung by rapper JoeyStarr and remixed in Matthieu Kassovitz’s seminal film “La Haine”. Associating her with Nakamura would be a chance to link the past and present of French popular music, said Ghio, “from the working-class, bohemian Paris of Piaf to today’s post-colonial banlieues with their African diaspora”. 

Echoing that theme, the left-leaning daily Libération spoke of “building bridges between generations” and a chance to demonstrate “France’s gratitude towards artists that contribute to its global clout, be they from Montmartre or Aulnay-sous-Bois (a poorer suburb north of Paris)”. 


Aya Nakamura at Paris Fashion Week on February 29, 2024. © Miguel Médina, AFP

Nakamura’s position as a target of racist, sexist and class-based attacks has made her the unwitting champion of causes she never claimed to carry. 

The pop star, whose playful songs touch on relationships, flirting and female friendships, has consistently steered clear of politics. She has previously declined to describe herself as feminist, suggesting such a label would sound “fake”.  

But she has also proved her mettle in facing down a torrent of abuse throughout her still-burgeoning career. 

“When you’re a non-White woman in a patriarchal society shaped by its colonial past, you need to find the words to defend yourself,” said Binetou Sylla, producer and owner of Syllart Records, pointing at Nakamura’s social media post this week. 

“It’s possibly the first time she uses the word ‘racist’ in a tweet,” Sylla observed. “But she had no choice.”  

The music producer stressed Nakamura’s bold personality, adding: “She’s unapologetic, with a loudmouth, provocative side that is also very French – and which further winds up her racist critics.” The racist campaign against Nakamura has now made it imperative that she performs at the opening ceremony, Sylla said.  

“If Aya steps aside, if she doesn’t open the Games, it will be France’s loss. That much is certain,” Libération argued, describing Nakamura as a rare “element of French soft power in a pop culture dominated by English and Spanish.” 

A curtain-raiser without Nakamura would also mean handing a victory to the far right, added Cachin. 

“Of course she has to perform now,” he said. “Whether she sings from her own repertoire or from Piaf’s or (Charles) Aznavour’s or all of them at once, it doesn’t really matter. Either way, she’ll be in her right.” 



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‘Like Waze, but for toilets’: The start-up hoping to solve Paris’s public urination problem

A new application that rewards businesses for making their toilets accessible to the public and helps users to find them is being rolled out in a Paris suburb. If everything goes to plan, the ICI Toilettes app could make its way into the capital – right in time for the Olympics. 

Public urination is high on the list of critiques of the French capital, along with rats, noise, and people not picking up their dogs’ business. Referred to in France as le pipi sauvage, or “wild peeing”, the propensity for public urination – which is technically illegal and mainly male – is explained by many factors, though a lack of available public toilets is a fundamental one. 

Over the years, Parisian leaders have proposed a number of innovative solutions but, so far, to no avail. In 2018, for instance, certain arrondissements (districts) introduced bright red, eco-friendly uritrottoirs, public installations whose name was a portmanteau of the French words for “urinal” and “sidewalk”. They were criticised for being too visible and only useful for men, and then vandalised by protesters.

The newest scheme to combat the ongoing problem comes from a start-up from the western city of Nantes called Urban Services.

ICI Toilettes (“Toilets HERE”) has two main functions. First, it is a geolocation application that helps users locate public toilets and allows them to update the status of the facility if it is in disrepair. This helps members of the public find the closest functional bathroom in real time and keeps local authorities informed about the state of the city’s sanitation infrastructure.

“It’s like Waze, but for toilets,” says founder and Urban Services CEO Thomas Herquin, referring to the crowd-sourced traffic app. 

The app’s second function is to create a network of local businesses that extend their facilities to the public, all of which are visible on the application. This expands the city’s sanitation capacity by making certain bars and restaurants de facto public toilets. These “partners” are given €100 each month by the local authorities for their participation – ICI Toilettes says this is one-twelfth the cost of setting up and maintaining a public restroom.

First launched in 2021 in Nantes, the application has now made it to the populous suburb of Montreuil on the eastern edge of the capital. The service is set to be rolled out in Grenoble and Urban Services is currently in talks with Saint-Denis, the municipality just north of Paris.

The big prize, Paris, is also in view, as France makes a big investment push before the 2024 Olympic Games. In late September, the start-up was awarded a conditional grant by the ministry of tourism. Urban Services stands to earn between €100,000 and €200,000 if it manages to set up a network of 100 partner retailers in Paris by June 15, 2024 – a number Herquin says will raise the capital’s public toilet capacity by 25%.    

The idea for the app came to Herquin when he was searching for ideas to enter a start-up competition in Nantes that he ended up winning. For market research, he surveyed people on what they thought were the biggest problems they face while commuting. The first was their ability to charge phones, the second, and much more difficult to resolve, was access to sanitary facilities.

Herquin maintains that the restaurants and bars that share their toilets should be considered “complementary” to what is already in place in the city. However, he adds, his application does provide its own benefits.

“According to our research, 85% of women do not use public toilet facilities for several reasons (like hygiene and comfort) so we offer them another option,” says Herquin.

Public urination, Herquin points out, is a serious issue with serious financial consequences. “In Paris alone, 56,000m2 of walls and doors are ruined by urine every month. That can be very costly,” he says.

On whether his business has the potential to help resolve the issue, he is less certain. “The main people who require our services are women. Men seem to have found a solution already, although it is not very clean,” Herquin says.

“But we do hope, with time we can help change the culture.”

What’s more, ICI Toilettes gives people the confidence to go and ask businesses to use their bathrooms, a feature that will particularly serve tourists who are unfamiliar with the French language or their customs related to restrooms. 

In Montreuil, finding the ICI Toilettes sticker is increasingly easy. The service has now been adopted by 10 businesses.

For Putsch café in central Montreuil, signing up with ICI Toilettes doesn’t seem to have changed much except for an extra €100 in the cash register each month. “I know some restaurants can be strict, but we’ve always been open,” says Laurine Ragot, a server at the café. “But we have seen an increase since the app, especially women and people with children desperate to pee.”

Putsch, a cafe in Montreuil that has signed up for ICI Toilettes, November 9, 2023. © Gregor Thompson, FRANCE 24

ICI Toilettes is a welcome change in a city where authorities have long been criticised for the lack of public sanitation infrastructure. Women’s association Maison des femmes de Montreuil recently described the situation as a “hygiene scandal” in French daily Le Parisien

Since signing on with Urban Services in June, “Montreuil has gone from seven public toilet facilities to 17,” says Montreuil’s Deputy Mayor Luc Di Gallo. 

For now, the businesses signed up to ICI Toilettes are concentrated in the city’s centre. The plan is to increase this number and distribute participating establishments more equally throughout the city. 

But ICI Toilettes is no silver bullet, says Di Gallo. People cannot access the app without a smartphone, and it wouldn’t be a viable option for businesses near busy areas like markets, which are unlikely to sign up because they could be inundated by the public.  

“For instances like this, it’s probably better to build public toilets that can [serve] significantly more people.” 

As part of a larger strategy, the response from the public has been “extremely positive”, says Di Gallo, adding that it makes the city more inclusive by meeting the needs of “women, the elderly and disabled people”, who have described the difficulties they encounter when out in public with no access to facilities.

“Of course, we also hope that those who degrade our public spaces will now be more inclined to use a toilet,” Di Gallo says. 

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‘Building bridges’ in a Parisian suburb amid unrest fears

From our special correspondent in Malakoff – A team of social workers tasked with preventing public disorder in the Paris suburb of Malakoff did the rounds ahead of Bastille Day after weeks of rioting. On a sunny weekend evening, the modus operandi of engaging with the community appeared to have worked.

Children wandered around with glitter on their cheeks, waving balloons while French pop singer Corine performed for dozens of onlookers.

Despite fears of the riots that have gripped France in recent weeks, the festivities in the southwest Paris suburb of Malakoff went off without a hitch on Thursday. While a large police force was present, filtering access to the square where the festivities were taking place, five social workers kept a watchful eye on the crowd throughout the evening.

The mission of the five men wearing purple T-shirts emblazoned with the word “Médiation” is two-fold. Their main objective is to try to prevent conflicts and defuse public disturbances through dialogue. They also work to create links with local residents. “It’s a job that really makes you feel useful,” said a smiling Samba Baye. “We can help homeless people improve their lot, raise young people’s awareness of certain issues or try to calm things down when a situation gets out of hand. And sometimes, like tonight, we’re there just in case we’re needed.”

Baye was one of the first social workers in Malakoff when the scheme was established in 2020. Today, there are five of them working five days a week throughout the town’s neighbourhoods. They are all employed by Promévil, an association specialised in social work operating in partnership with the municipality and state public housing departments.

Social worker Samba Baye watches the Bastille Day fireworks in the southwest Paris suburb of Malakoff, France on July 13, 2023. © Cyrielle Cabot, FRANCE 24

‘So what do you think of the evening?’

Early Thursday evening, before the 11pm fireworks, Baye and his colleagues strolled among the crowd. Some people greeted them with a smile and a “good evening”, while others shook their hands and chatted with them for a bit.

Suddenly, Baba, another social worker, slipped away and headed towards a group of homeless men sitting on benches.

The homeless men smiled broadly when they saw Baba approach. They chatted for a bit, then Baba took a few steps back as the situation seemed calm. “We know them well. They often wander around the square and unfortunately, they drink a lot. I tried to explain to them that tonight they had to be more careful because it was a special evening,” said Baba.

A few metres away, just behind the security cordon set up by the municipal police, a group of teenagers burst out laughing. This time Karim, who has been a social worker for 10 years, started the conversation. “So what do you think of the evening?” he asked them. One of them replied, “It’s cool, it sets the mood”, before exclaiming and pointing to the roof of the building behind him: “But I want to see the fireworks from up there!”

Karim quickly shot down the idea, noting that climbing on a building is not only illegal but also very dangerous. The teenager eventually agreed with him and abandoned the hair-brained idea. The conversation then continued, with jokes and references to Mansour Barnaoui, a young man from Malakoff who is now a mixed martial arts champion and an idol for the local teenagers. 

The conversation turned towards the riots of recent weeks following last month’s police shooting of Nahel, a teenager of Algerian origin, in the Parisian suburb of Nanterre. The local kids pulled out their phones to show images that have clearly left an impression. One of them said that he had taken part in the violence, while another admitted, with a disappointed look, that he had been forced to stay home. But they all came to the same conclusion: “We identify with Nahel, it was unfair what happened to him!”

“They’re good kids, they listen,” said Karim. He added that this was the result of three years spent building relationships with them. 

Read more‘We have to listen to them’: Youth associations on the front lines during Nahel riots

‘To advise, not order, and to build bridges’

Before the festivities began, Karim, Baye and Baba were convinced that the evening would be calm. But by the afternoon, there was palpable anxiety in the town.

The team began its usual rounds in Malakoff’s streets around 4:30pm. They checked every nook and cranny for damage and took photos of illegal rubbish dumps for about two hours.

Samba Baye, a social worker in Malakoff, heads to a caretaker's lodge to take stock of the situation a few hours before Bastille Day festivities on July 13, 2023.
Samba Baye, a social worker in Malakoff, heads to a caretaker’s lodge to take stock of the situation a few hours before Bastille Day festivities on July 13, 2023. © Cyrielle Cabot, FRANCE 24

Karim, Baye and Baba also stopped regularly to chat with passers-by, and at each building they said “hello” to the caretaker, listening to comments and complaints.

On their list, they noted one or two broken doors and a few neighbourhood concerns. However, one question kept coming up: “So, is it going to be a busy evening?”

Malakoff was left relatively untouched by the rioting that followed Nahel’s death. “A few cars and bins were burned and a shop was vandalised,” said Baye. He attributed this “good record” partly to the efforts of social workers on the ground.

“We spoke to these young people during the riots. They were able to express their feelings of injustice and anger,” he said. “From our end, we were able to raise their awareness and explain to them that not only was violence not the answer, but that they risked a lot if they took part in the vandalism. Several young people told us that they understood and that they were going to try to talk about it with their friends.”

Baye also noted that, “We’re the people to turn to for everyday problems. There is a lack of public services here in the evenings. The town hall closes at 5pm and after that, there’s nothing. The social workers help maintain the social bond all the time.”

This is especially important, added Baba, “as relations between the police and the public are not at their best these days”.

Baba said their job was “to advise, not order, and to build bridges. And this is now more useful than ever.”

Samba Baye and Baba Diop, social workers in Malakoff, talk to a local resident a few hours before the Bastille Day festivities on July 13, 2023.
Samba Baye and Baba Diop, social workers in Malakoff, talk to a local resident a few hours before the Bastille Day festivities on July 13, 2023. © Cyrielle Cabot, FRANCE 24

It’s a sentiment shared by many local residents, who often voiced their gratitude to the team with a simple, but heartfelt, “thank goodness you’re here.”

This article is a translation of the original in French.

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