Why Elly Schlein is freaking out Italy’s ‘soft’ socialists

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Right-wing hardliners could not dream of an easier target than Elly Schlein, the new leader of Italy’s center-left Democratic Party (PD).

A global citizen with a female partner and an upper-middle-class upbringing, the youngest and first female leader of Italy’s most-established progressive party has sparked the ire of the country’s conservatives.

“CommunistElly,” the right-wing newspaper Il Tempo dubbed her after the leadership contest was decided on Sunday. Schlein defeated the favorite Stefano Bonaccini with 53.8 percent to 46.2 percent of the vote.

Far-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s allies have been relishing the polarization around Schlein — the two political leaders, though both female, stand for very different values.

“She promised to prioritize the poor, public education and workers,” right-wing commentator Italo Bocchino said in attacking Schlein. “But unlike Meloni, she has never known the poor in her life,” he continued, pointing out how she attended a private school “for rich people” in Switzerland. Nor can Schlein know workers “as she’s never worked in her life,” he ranted.

Schlein’s surprise win has not only fired up her opponents, but also unsettled many in her own party. Fellow social democrats are spooked that Schlein could transform the PD from the broad progressive church it’s historically been into a much more radical sect.

There’s also concern about whether she’ll stand by the party’s support for sending lethal weapons to Ukraine given her self-described pacifist views.

Most skeptics are clinging on — for now — although a few have already jumped ship.

“The PD is over,” declared David Allegranti, a journalist for the Florence daily La Nazione. The expert on the Italian center-left argues that Schlein and many of her allies hail from leftist splinter groups and were not members of the PD until barely a few months ago — discrediting them in their critics’ eyes.

Ex-Cabinet minister Giuseppe Fioroni, among the founding members of the PD, told POLITICO: “Her project has nothing to do with my history and my political culture.” Having foreseen the outcome, Fioroni left the party one day before Schlein’s victory was announced. “My PD is no longer there, this is another party — it no longer belongs to the center left, but to the hard left,” he said.

As a youth leader in 2013, Schlein became the figurehead of Occupy PD, a protest movement set up by disaffected progressives angered over 101 center-left parliamentarians who voted against their own social democrat grandee Romano Prodi’s bid to become the president of Italy.

“With Elly Schlein, the PD has occupied itself,” quipped Allegranti.

Ex-Cabinet minister and PD founding member Giuseppe Fioroni left the party one day before Schlein’s victory, saying that the party “no longer belongs to the center left, but to the hard left” | Claudio Peri/EPA

The young radical

The daughter of a Swiss-based political scientist couple (one Italian and one American), Schlein was raised in Lugano, the Italian-speaking region of Switzerland, and spent her teens writing film reviews — her dream at the time was to become a film director — as well as playing the board game “Trivial Pursuit” and the cult 90s video game “The Secret of Monkey Island.”

Her first stint in politics came in 2008, when she cut her teeth working as a volunteer for Barack Obama’s two U.S. presidential election campaigns — heading to Chicago to do so.

“Here, I understood that you don’t need to ask for votes, but mobilize people with ideas,” she recalled to La Repubblica. A decade on, the lesson proved useful for her own leadership campaign.

In a first for the PD’s leadership contests, Schlein won the open ballot after losing by a wide margin in the caucus with party members the week before, demonstrating her capacity to win over voters.

The newly elected leader gained the upper hand over Bonaccini in big cities such as Milan, Turin and Naples, as well as performing well almost everywhere north of Rome — but lost in most southern regions, according to pollster YouTrend.

“There was a wave of support that brought along different kinds of voters, who were united by a strong desire for change,” said Lorenzo Pregliasco, the founder of YouTrend.

However, Pregliasco played down reports of a “youthquake,” and described the leadership campaign as “boring, dull and largely ignored by public opinion.”

End of the party, or a new beginning?

While there are no exact figures on voter turnout available, Italian media reports that around 1.2 million people cast their ballots — which would mark the lowest figures since PD party primaries were first held in 2007.

After becoming a member of the European Parliament with the Socialists & Democrats group in 2014 at the age of 28, Schlein took the unexpected decision to abandon the PD a year later, accusing then-prime minister and PD party leader Matteo Renzi of lurching to the right.

The decision turned out to be prophetic, as Renzi suffered a number of electoral defeats that snowballed into his resignation as prime minister in 2016, and as party leader in 2018.

Pippo Civati, a former parliamentarian and longtime ally of Schlein who is now out of politics, recalled of Schlein in 2015: “We left at the same time because he [Renzi] was making one mess after another.”

Speaking to POLITICO, Civati warned that the newly elected leader could end up having her hands tied by party bigwigs who backed the popular politician without necessarily having any genuine commitment to her radical ideas.

Pundits point out that the conflict in Ukraine could be the trickiest issue for Schlein, whose distant ancestors hail from a village close to modern-day Lviv. There are question marks over whether she will carry forward her predecessor Enrico Letta’s all-out support for the delivery of lethal weapons to Ukraine.

A U-turn by Schlein on support for Ukraine would leave Meloni as the only national party leader in favor of sending arms to the besieged country, fueling concerns among Western allies who see Italy as a weak link.

“A change of line over Ukraine could be the trigger for many centrists to leave the PD,” Allegranti said.

But Civati played down rumors of an about-face, arguing that Schlein is unlikely to oppose the sending of arms to Ukraine.

“We support Ukraine’s right to defend itself, through every form of assistance,” said Schlein in a recent interview with broadcaster La7. “But as a pacifist, I don’t think that weapons alone will end the war.”



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War in Ukraine: ‘De-Russification’ on the rise in Odesa

From our special correspondent in Odesa – Russia’s offensive in Ukraine has accelerated a campaign of “de-Russification” in the major port city of Odesa. It’s a delicate process in a city that has long been influenced by Russian language and culture. From changing street names to dismantling statues and removing Russian literature from library shelves, the war has removed previous resistance to the idea.

On December 28, 2022, in the middle of the night, municipal employees quietly dismantled a monument of Catherine the Great, Empress of all Russia.

For Artak Hryhoryan, a young IT engineer from Odesa speaking in early February, it was high time for city authorities to remove a statue which “for years had been a regular rallying point for pro-Russians with Russian flags and slogans repeating Moscow’s propaganda” from the public space.

The statue of the empress who snatched southern Ukraine from the domination of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 18th century has long been a source of discord in Odesa. Originally erected in 1900, the bronze statue aimed to make the empress a “mother” and founder of the city. In 1920, the Bolsheviks dismantled it for the first time and replaced it with a statue of Karl Marx and later with another honouring the mutineers of the Russian battleship Potemkin.

The monument dedicated to the founders of the city of Odesa in 2010. © Wikimedia commons

The city council restored the statue in 2007, reinstalling it on its marble throne overlooking the famous Potemkin steps leading to the city’s port. A little over 15 years later, with Odesa living under threat of Russian missile fire, this symbol of Russian empire became unbearable to Artak. The 26-year-old became convinced that the statue should return to the museum.

Catherine II and the symbols of the Russian world

“Last September, I came here and threw red paint on the statue. A few days earlier, a young girl had vandalised the statue, too. She wrote ‘Catherine = Putin’. The police became involved and wanted to fine her. With the war, the police should not do that. The girl made a gesture for Ukraine. If the police were against her, they must be pro-Russian. I wanted to support her by vandalising the statue myself. If all the citizens of Odesa start protesting against the presence of this statue, the police will not be able to do anything. It is not a question of destroying the statue but rather of saying that it cannot stay here indefinitely. It’s just not possible [in the middle of this war] to keep Russian symbols in Odesa.”

Artak and his friends eventually achieved their aim. On November 30, the city council unanimously voted to remove the statue again. 

Artak Hryhoryan, a young IT engineer from Odesa who campaigned for the statue of Catherine II to be removed from public space. Odesa, February 4, 2023.
Artak Hryhoryan, a young IT engineer from Odesa who campaigned for the statue of Catherine II to be removed from public space. Odesa, February 4, 2023. © David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

“Catherine II oppressed many groups of people: the Poles, the Ukrainians and the Armenians”, explains Artak. “She is one of history’s most harmful characters. She committed the same horrors as Putin but 200 or 300 years ago. Given what is happening now, can we imagine seeing statues of Putin in 200 years? It’s impossible… We do not want any more monuments to the glory of dictators in our cities and streets; we want to be a democracy with statues dedicated to the glory of our heroes, not to that of Putin, Catherine or Stalin.”

No cancel culture in Odesa

The statue of Catherine the Great has been resting in a wooden box in front of the Odesa National Fine Arts Museum for a little over a month. The director of the museum pays it little attention. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the necessity of dismantling the Empress’s statue became obvious to both previously pro- and anti-Russian Odesans, because the conflict managed to unite almost all Ukrainians against the new imperial war led by Moscow.

“We aren’t erasing anything, we are just putting the statue in a museum,” said Kyrilo Lipatov. “This monument was left here in the Fine Arts Museum. Now the Ukrainian Institute will decide what to do with it. For the moment, five artists are to be selected to propose projects that will allow for the public to consider this monument from a postcolonial perspective, and thus create something new”, he explained.

Kyrilo Lipatov, Director of the Odesa Fine Arts Museum, February 4, 2023.
Kyrilo Lipatov, Director of the Odesa Fine Arts Museum, February 4, 2023. © David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

Museums have been in turmoil almost everywhere in Ukraine since the outbreak of the Russian offensive. Kyrilo Lipatov and his team sent part of the museum’s collections away for safekeeping, including works by Russian artists. “In other museums in southern Ukraine and Crimea, the works could not be evacuated, and the Russians seized them,” said Lipatov.

In 2021, Lipatov had already began to pull Soviet art from the museum’s space in order to redirect its focus towards contemporary pieces signed by Ukrainian artists. It was a first step in “de-communising” and “Ukrainising” the collection before adding new works inspired by Ukrainian resistance to the Russian invasion the following year.

A guided tour of the Odesa National Fine Arts Museum, February 4, 2023.
A guided tour of the Odesa National Fine Arts Museum, February 4, 2023. © David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

When asked if the Fine Arts Museum was in the process of “de-Russifying” itself, denounced by some as a “cancel culture” operation, the director said, “It is Russia which practices ‘cancel culture’ [by denying the existence of the Ukrainian nation]. The Fine Arts Museum in Odesa is fighting to preserve works of art during this war, even works by Russian artists linked to Russian imperialism or official Soviet art, which have nothing neutral about them.”

Farewell to Russian culture or to Russian imperialism?

In the libraries of Odesa, the war has also led to an accelerated “de-Russification” of the bookshelves. “No one is going to ban reading Tolstoy, Lermontov, Pushkin or Dostoyevsky. It is Russia that discourages Ukrainians from reading these authors because they represent the culture of the aggressor,” said Iryna Biriukova, director of the Odesa National Scientific Library. “We studied these authors a lot in school. Today we want to discover other authors. People must know the riches of world literature. It is a question of balance. We are not prohibiting anything; we simply want to change people’s mentalities.”

Iryna Biriukova, Director of the Odesa National Scientific Library on February 3, 2023.
Iryna Biriukova, Director of the Odesa National Scientific Library on February 3, 2023. © David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

Like many historic buildings in Odesa, the library, built by wealthy patrons in the early 20th century, barricaded itself at the start of the Russian offensive a year ago. The reading rooms are now deserted and visitors come to borrow books and also to recharge their smartphones. For Biriukova, the electricity shortage affecting Odesa for the past two months favours the reading of books in paper format. Suggesting visitors read works by Ukrainian authors and from authors from around world is an obvious step for her.

“De-communisation started in the 90s when certain streets were renamed. We are a city with a multicultural past but covered with ideological markers linked to Russia. The French, the Germans, the Jews, the Greeks, the Italians, the Moldavians and dozens of other nationalities built Odesa; this memory is under-represented. Russian imperial culture is largely over-represented. We have to find a balance; this is what has to change.”

Since 2014, the war between Ukraine and Russia has intensified. In parallel with the military confrontation, the conflict has extended to the cultural sphere. Residents of Odesa who are not fighting on the battlefields in Donbas or elsewhere now contend with questions of political and cultural figures and literature. For Artak,  removing Catherine the Great’s statue is a victory because “Putin refers to it in speeches”. He and others now want to take on the statues of Soviet generals which exist all over the city.

For the director of the Fine Arts Museum, it is urgent for “the monuments which have been created for propaganda purposes to be removed from the public space and brought into the museums, which will give them another life”. His colleague from the Odesa National Scientific Library has the same project, so that the vestiges of totalitarianism and imperialism have no other place than in the archives. “We cannot promote the culture of a nation that murders, loots and rapes our country. Look at the influence of certain books in Russia – is that what we want for our children?”

 

Ukraine, one year on
Ukraine, one year on © Studio graphique France Médias Monde

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Artwork rescued from Ukaine war displayed in Paris

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‘The Facets of Freedom’ exhibition at the Ukrainian Cultural Centre in Paris is an ode to liberty consisting of works evacuated to France from Ukraine in extremis following the Russian invasion.

The Ukrainian Cultural Centre in Paris recently opened its doors to visitors for a preview of ‘The Facets of Freedom’ exhibition (open to the public from January 19 to March 3). The works displayed “are a manifestation of freedom, whether it be creative, physical, intellectual, sexual or emotional”, said Viktoria Gulenko, the centre’s director.

As the velvety notes of Beethoven’s ‘Moonlight Sonata’ accompanying a video display drifted in from an upstairs alcove, visitors peered at the works from the private collection of Tetiana and Boris Grynyov. But while the individual pieces evoked notions of liberty, the collection itself was a piece of a larger picture — that of the mad dash of cultural workers across Ukraine to evacuate artwork after Russia‘s invasion in February of last year.


The opening of the exhibition “Facets of Freedom” in Paris, January 19, 2023. © Grynyov Art Foundation

 “The challenge for us was transporting the collections. It was our personal responsibility to save everything possible. We represent different regions and we had different experiences during the war depending on whether we were in Kyiv, Odesa or Kharkiv,” said Oksana Barshynova, deputy director of the National Art Museum of Ukraine, during a round table discussion with several other art curators and collectors.

For the deputy director, the war in Ukraine did not start in 2022. It began in 2014 when Russia seized Crimea. After Russia annexed the Crimean peninsula, Interpol, the international police organisation, announced it was searching for 52 paintings by Ukrainian artists that Russians illegally transferred to the Simferopol Art Museum in March 2014.

 “Ukrainians began thinking about how to rescue art as early as 2014 but we faced numerous difficulties,” said Barshynova. Ukraine, with its 3,500 museums overseen by local, regional or national entities, has a disparate system. Many museums lacked online inventories of their collections. With the government on a war footing, many arts professionals had to act on their own initiative to protect the country’s valuable art.

‘There was never enough scotch tape’

For Maryna Konieva, art historian and a conservator of the Grynyov Art Collection in Kharkiv, finding packing materials for the art was a challenge. There was never enough scotch tape because it was used to cover shattered windows. Personnel was hard to find because “we needed to find people willing to work under constant fire”, she said. Konieva also remembered wrapping up an exhibition dating from the Soviet era in carpets, “because that is all we had”.


In Kharkiv, volunteers move works from the Grynyov Art Foundation to a safe place. © Grynyov Art Foundation

Barshynova recalled the evacuation of icons from the National Art Museum of Ukraine: “Thankfully we had packing material” and “because of our cooperation with the ministry of culture, we had access to a bulletproof train on the Ukrainian National Railway,” she said. Russians fired shots on the train during the nerve-wracking 12-hour long journey but the train’s armour saved the collection.

Dressed in a black and yellow vyshyvanka, a traditional Ukrainian embroidered shirt, art collector Tetyana Hrynyova had her own particular experience with her collection. “It was the Russian bombing and aerial attacks that incited us to leave Kharkiv,” she said. She went on to explain that her collections were stored in ordinary buildings. After a nearby building was bombed and her windows were shattered, she knew it was time to evacuate.

 “We did not have an armored vehicle but we managed to evacuate our collection because we left discretely,” said Hrynyova. “I am part of a club of private collectors and we have been discussing what we would do in the worst-case scenario since 2014. Private collectors are always ready to save their collections but no one ever knows how they will react when faced with this kind of situation.”

Maria, or “Masha”, Tseloieva, an art commissioner from Odesa, remembered “being mobilized” on February 24 and 25 to evacuate pieces from the Odesa National Fine Arts Museum. She had recently ended her contract after being an employee since 2018 but the museum urgently needed specialists to pack the pieces.

 She joked with her colleagues about “there being no such thing as an ex-museum employee because they could all be deployed at any time in the name of culture”. Everyone was cheerful as they packed the pieces; Masha attributed this to the fact that the inhabitants of Odesa are typically joyful. 

Successful scramble

In the airy, high-ceiling room at the Ukrainian Cultural Centre, the pieces from the Grynyov family collection were a testament to the scramble to save Ukrainian art. Calm and seemingly possessed with an eternal patience, Tetiana Hyrnyova walked from piece to piece, explaining its meaning and answering questions.


A work by Evgeniy Pavlov, one of the founders of the Kharkiv School of Photography. © Grynyov Art Foundation

In a work by Evgeniy Pavlov dated 1970-1990, a black and white photo of a nude male flying in the sky was superimposed above a coloured photo of a crowd carrying Soviet Union flags during an International Workers’ Day parade. “This can be interpreted as a manifestation of sexual freedom,” said Hrynyova. The photo taken in 1970 was not printed until 1990 because of its subversive nature under the Soviet Union.

In another piece, titled “Killed Dream” by Kyrylo Protsenko, a black object dripping a trail of blood, covered with a white sheet, brings to mind all the tragic loss of life that has taken place since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The painting dates back to 1991, giving the viewer an eerie sensation of what the painter foreshadowed.  

A photograph of the painting “Killed Dream” by Kyrylo Protsenko. © Sonya Ciesnik

“For them [the Russians], Russian culture is the only culture that exists. This is why they prohibit our language,” said Hrynyova, measuring out her words. “They think we draw strength from our cultural heritage, and of course we do”.

Hrynyova’s gaze becomes soft as she turns back to the paintings. Her aim, she said, is to “put an end to the false principle that Ukrainian art is of lesser importance”. 

As Ukraine continues its grim existential battle, observers can expect to see the country’s vibrant culture continue to thrive.



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