Fatal stabbing of Gabonese student highlights ‘daily’ racism faced by Africans in Russia

François Ndzhelassili, a doctoral student from Gabon at the Ural Federal University in Yekaterinburg, Russia, was killed on August 18 by a group of Russian men after they harassed him and called him racial slurs. The murder is just the latest case of discrimination and violence against Black people living in Russia despite ongoing initiatives meant to encourage Africans to study in the country.

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François Ndzhelassili was a 32-year-old doctoral student at the Ural Federal University. He arrived in Yekaterinburg, Russia in 2014 from Gabon to study economics. He was active in the student community of his university, and in 2019 was named the university’s “Foreign Student of the Year”.

On the morning of August 18, he was killed in the city centre of Yekaterinburg by a group of Russian men who harassed him and called him racial slurs. One of his friends, who received death threats after speaking out about the crime, contacted the FRANCE 24 Observers team to bring awareness to the everyday racism he says Africans face in Russia. 

Ndzhelassili was an active member of the student community in Yekaterinburg. He served as the president of the Association of African Students, gave French and economics lessons, and participated in activities such as dancing, boxing and football. © The Observers

‘They were questioning him like often happens to us Africans’

Antoine (not his real name) is a friend of Ndzhelassili’s who also originates from West Africa. He told us that the young student was a great source of support for him when he started studying in Yekaterinburg.

When I left my country, my brother put me in touch with François. He had been in Russia since 2014. When I came here, I didn’t speak the language at all, and he helped me a lot.

We used to play soccer together. He used to dance. He danced a lot. He even taught French and economics because he was studying economics.

At one point, he was the president of the African students association at UFU (Ural Federal University). But he saw that African students were being ignored – we weren’t integrated into the university’s activities – so he resigned.

Antoine says that he spent the evening of August 16 with Ndzhelassili playing video games at his place. The next night, Ndzhelassili went out with other friends. Early on the morning of August 18, Ndzhelassili was ordering food at a Burger King in the city centre with another Russian friend. He was waiting to receive his food when two other Russians started to pick on Ndzhelassili for being Black. His Russian friend, who was there, recorded the incident and told Antoine how the conflict unfolded.

They were questioning him like often happens to us Africans. But François tried to engage in a conversation with them, to reason with them. They started threatening him, telling him to settle things outside. François told them he was waiting for his food.

He ended up eating inside, and as soon as he went out, the two Russians pounced on him. Since François had boxing experience, he resisted. However, there was a third person who had been outside the whole time, and he stabbed him between the ribs. He shouted, ‘We’re going to crucify the n****r.

Screenshot from a video sent by our Observer in Yekaterinburg. Taken by Ndzhelassili’s Russian friend, it shows the moment he was loaded onto an ambulance Aug. 18 after being fatally stabbed.
Screenshot from a video sent by our Observer in Yekaterinburg. Taken by Ndzhelassili’s Russian friend, it shows the moment he was loaded onto an ambulance Aug. 18 after being fatally stabbed. © The Observers

Antoine learned about the stabbing around 8 am, and says he spent the whole day trying to learn about Ndzhelassili’s condition. Hospital authorities finally informed him that his friend had died of his injuries.

‘I started receiving racist messages and threats’

Since Ndzhelassili’s death, Antoine dedicated his time to publicising what happened to his friend in order to shed light on the reality faced by many African students in Russia.

I went to see the administration [of Ural Federal University], to talk to them about what happened, and they told me to keep it to myself, not to talk to anyone. I had already contacted François’ sister.

When I returned to the dormitory, I started receiving racist messages and threats. I decided to create a WhatsApp group for African students to communicate among ourselves. The students are truly afraid.

I left the dormitory, and now I’m staying at a Guinean friend’s place. I’m afraid for my safety. I’ll see how I can obtain my degree, and I want to leave Russia.

Antoine sent us one of the insulting messages he received. It read: “We will hang n*****s…. Russia is for Russians.” 

A Telegram channel dedicated to uncovering neo-Nazi activities within Russia has disclosed that the principal suspect in Ndzhelassili’s murder case is a 23-year-old Russian man. Moreover, a neo-Nazi-oriented Telegram channel has initiated a fundraising effort aimed at securing legal representation for the young man.

The Telegram channel Antifa.ru posted screenshots of messages on the anti-migrant Telegram channel “Rural Club Hands up!
The Telegram channel Antifa.ru posted screenshots of messages on the anti-migrant Telegram channel “Rural Club Hands up!” asking for funds to provide legal advice to the suspected killer of Ndzhelassili. © The Observers

Antoine does not believe that the murder was premeditated, but he thinks that it is representative of the discrimination Black students experience in Russia.

A dangerous university environment for African students 

On August 20, the Ural Federal University declared on their Telegram channel that Ndzhelassili “tragically” died, without mentioning any details about his murder or any form of commentary addressing the matter of racism, which disappointed Antoine. 

I spoke with François’ sister. She told me: Let it go, it’s for your safety. I will fight to bring his body back to Gabon, that’s all.

But it’s not just François. All Africans are in danger. Even me at the university. It’s a daily occurrence. They promote Russian education in Africa, urging students to come study in Russia. They make money off us, and then we are not safe.

I am very worried for the African community in Russia. Today it’s François. Tomorrow it could be me. Russia needs the support of Africans now. But it’s important to make people who raise the flag of Russia in their countries understand that Russia is not our partner.

International students studying in Russian universities have repeatedly raised concerns about facing discrimination, including insults, physical assaults, and persistent harassment. Africans living in Russia report frequently encountering acts of discrimination such as being denied service at restaurants, facing refusals from taxi drivers and experiencing difficulties securing housing due to landlords’ biases.

There are currently 34,000 African students in Russia, out of which 6,000 receive state-sponsored scholarships, according to a declaration made by the Russian Foreign Ministry in July 2023. The spokesperson announced 5,000 more scholarships for African students in the 2023-24 university year. 

Concerns about African students being recruited by the Russian army and mercenary groups to fight in Ukraine emerged in November 2022 after a 23-year-old Zambian was killed in the war. He studied nuclear engineering at the Moscow Engineering Physics Institute (MEPhI), but was imprisoned on drug charges. Although Yevgeny Prigozhin declared at the time on the Russian social media platform VKontakte that the young man had freely enrolled with the Wagner mercenary group, his family believes that he was coerced.

Read moreRussians give bananas to Black foreign students and call them ‘monkeys’ in video

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Attempted coup in Gabon aims to remove President Ali Bongo from power and end 50-year dynasty

Leading military figures in Gabon announced on Wednesday that they had placed President Ali Bongo Ondimba under house arrest in a bid to remove him from power after 14 years. The attempted coup comes days after Bongo was re-elected as president for the third time – a role he inherited from his father, former president Omar Bongo.

Ali Bongo’s victory in his third election campaign was announced early Wednesday morning by the Gabonese Election Centre amid fears of unrest in the central African country. 

Before the results came in, opposition figures were already raising concernes over the transparency and legitimacy of the election – accusations which have plagued Bongo, 64, since he first ran for president in 2009. 

The 2009 vote, from which Bongo emerged as the victorious candidate for the Gabonese Democratic Party, came two months after the death of his father, Omar Bongo, who had founded the party. Omar Bongo ruled Gabon for nearly 42 years and his son had served under him as defence minister. 

Amid accusations the vote had been rigged, the country’s economic capital Port-Gentil was rocked by deadly protests

When Bongo was re-elected seven years later in 2016, violent protests broke out and angry crowds torched the country’s parliament. Around 20 people were killed in unrest that was eventually quashed by police. 

Meanwhile, the second-time president, backed by Gabon’s courts, rejected reports from EU observers that there was a “clear anomaly” in the election results.  

“Since 2016, there has been no progress in public freedoms in Gabon. Opponents can express themselves, but they know that there are limits,” journalist and specialist in African studies Antoine Glaser told FRANCE 24. “They have known for a long time that they can easily end up in prison, as happened during the last presidential election.” 

Family legacy 

Bongo’s presidency has, in many ways, followed his father’s template.  

Omar Bongo took office in 1967 seven years after Gabon claimed independence from French colonial rule. During his presidency, Bongo senior was a champion of Françafrique, a system through which France maintained a sphere of influence in sub-Saharan Africa while giving veteran African leaders security guarantees. 

Amid public pressure and social unrest, Bongo in 1990 introduced a multi-parti system in Gabon, yet still won three elections from 1993-2005, all of which were contested or followed by violence.   

During his presidency, Bongo senior had the reputation of a kleptocrat – one of the richest men in the world, with a fortune stolen from Gabon’s oil wealth. 

In terms of per-capita GDP, Gabon is one of the richest countries in Africa and oil accounts for 60 percent of the country’s revenues, but a third of the population still lives below the poverty line of $5.50 per day, according to the World Bank. 

The late president allegedly pocketed millions in embezzled funds according to US and French investigations.  

Accusations of corruption have passed from father to son. The Pandora Papers investigation in 2021 found that Ali Bongo has connections to secretive offshore entities in international tax havens. 

French investigators in 2022 charged four of Bongo’s siblings with embezzlement and corruption, and believe both Omar and Ali Bongo knowingly benefited from a fraudulently acquired real estate empire worth at least €85 million. 

Distance from France

As president, Bongo junior has also made his mark, particularly on the international stage.  

Gabon is now recognised as an environmental leader due to successful efforts to safeguard its rainforests and rebuild wild elephant populations. 

Read moreEarth’s ‘green lung’ rainforests take centre stage at talks in Gabon

Ali Bongo’s presidency has also been marked by a distancing from France. When he first came to power in 2009, Bongo recalled Gabon’s ambassador to Paris after France’s prime minister appeared to question the legitimacy of his election. 

“Ali Bongo has never stopped distancing himself from Paris,” said Glaser. “His favourite capital is London and he has very good relations with the Americans, with China and also with Muslim countries, including Morocco. In the post-colonial period, if there’s one [African] country that has truly gone global, it’s Gabon.” 

But France continues to have a complicated relationship with its oil-rich former colony. Earlier this year, when French President Emmanuel Macron went on a four-nation African tour, Gabon was his first stop.

While Macron declared, “Our interest is first and foremost democracy,” as well as economic partnerships, his visit was viewed by many Gabonese people as giving a political boost to Bongo in the run-up to the August presidential elections.

Clinging to power 

Gabon has now been ruled by the same family for more than 55 out of its 63 years since independence from France in 1960. Many inhabitants have only known life under the Bongo family.  

“It’s a family that knows how to cling to power,” said Glaser. 

Wednesday’s coup is the second that Ali Bongo has faced during his presidency.  

During his second term, Bongo suffered a stroke in 2018 that sidelined him for 10 months. He spent the period recuperating in Morocco.  

While he was out of the country, Gabonese security forces foiled an attempted coup in January 2019 during which a small group of plotters took over the state radio and urged the people of Gabon to “rise up” against the Bongo family’s 50-year rule. 

The plotters were captured by security forces hours later and two of the amateur group, who had little military support, were killed.  

“For all its lack of preparedness, the attempted takeover carried a political message, one that highlights the deep distress of the people of Gabon,” researcher Amadou Ba, a member of the Africa Group at the Institute for European Prospective and Security (IPSE) in Paris told FRANCE 24.  

The failed coup was followed by a doomed attempt by Bongo’s chief of staff, Brice Laccruche Alihanga, to oust the sick president from power. Laccruche Alihanga was sidelined to a ministry position in which he held no powers before being ousted from government altogether and eventually arrested in December 2019 on accusations of corruption.  

Bongo emerged from his convalescence physically weakened. In videos his speech was slurred and the right side of his body appeared partially paralysed. But his grip on power, although shaken, remained intact. 

(With AFP)

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Soldiers in Gabon say they’ve seized power and appointed the republican guard chief as head of state

Mutinous soldiers in Gabon announced late Wednesday that the head of the country’s elite republican guard would lead the Central African country, hours after saying they had placed the country’s newly re-elected president under house arrest.

The coup leaders said in an announcement on Gabon’s state TV that Gen. Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema had been “unanimously” designated president of a transitional committee to lead the country.

Explained | What led to the coup in Niger? Does it follow a wider pattern in the Sahel?

Gen. Oligui is the cousin of President Ali Bongo Ondimba, who earlier Wednesday had been declared the winner of the country’s presidential election in a victory that appeared to extend his family’s 55-year rule in the oil-rich nation.

In a video apparently from detention in his residence, Mr. Bongo called on people to “make noise” to support him. But the crowds who took to the streets of the capital instead celebrated the coup against a dynasty accused of getting rich on the country’s resource wealth while many of its citizens struggle.

“Thank you, army. Finally, we’ve been waiting a long time for this moment,” said Yollande Okomo, standing near soldiers from Gabon’s elite republican guard, one of the units that staged the takeover.

Coup leaders said there would be a curfew from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. local time but that people would be allowed to move about freely during the day on Thursday.

“The president of the transition insists on the need to maintain calm and serenity in our beautiful country … At the dawn of a new era, we will guarantee the peace, stability and dignity of our beloved Gabon,” Lt. Col. Ulrich Manfoumbi said on state TV Wednesday.

Mr. Bongo, 64, has served two terms since coming to power in 2009 after the death of his father, who ruled the country for 41 years, and there has been widespread discontent with his reign. Another group of mutinous soldiers attempted a coup in 2019 but was quickly overpowered.

The former French colony is a member of OPEC, but its oil wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few — and nearly 40% of Gabonese aged 15 to 24 were out of work in 2020, according to the World Bank. Its oil export revenue was $6 billion in 2022, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, or $2,720 per capita.

Gabonese military appear on television as they announce that they have seized power following President Ali Bongo Ondimba’s re-election, in this screen grab obtained on August 30, 2023
| Photo Credit:
Via Reuters

Nine members of the Bongo family, meanwhile, are under investigation in France, and some face preliminary charges of embezzlement, money laundering and other forms of corruption, according to Sherpa, a French NGO dedicated to accountability. Investigators have linked the family to more than $92 million in properties in France, including two villas in Nice, the group says.

A spokesman for the soldiers who claimed power Wednesday said that Mr. Bongo’s “unpredictable, irresponsible governance” risked leading the country into chaos. In a later statement, the coup leaders said people around the president had been arrested for “high betrayal of state institutions, massive embezzlement of public funds [and] international financial embezzlement.”

Some analysts warned that the takeover risked bringing instability and could have more to do with divisions among the ruling elite than efforts to improve the lives of ordinary Gabonese. Celebrating soldiers hoisted the head of the republican guard — who is a relative of Bongo — into the air. It’s unclear if the military intends to name him as their new leader.

The coup came about one month after mutinous soldiers in Niger seized power from the democratically elected government, and is the latest in a series of coups across West and Central Africa in recent years. The impunity those putschists enjoyed may have inspired the soldiers in Gabon, said Maja Bovcon, senior analyst at Verisk Maplecroft, a risk assessment firm.

In weekend elections, Mr. Bongo faced an opposition coalition led by Albert Ondo Ossa, an economics professor and former education minister whose surprise nomination came a week before the vote. Every election held in Gabon since the country’s return to a multiparty system in 1990 has ended in violence, and there were fears this one would as well.

The vote was criticized by international observers, but a relative calm prevailed until the early hours of Wednesday, when Mr. Bongo was declared the winner. Minutes later, gunfire was heard in the center of the capital, Libreville. Later, a dozen uniformed soldiers appeared on state television and announced that they had seized power.

Soon after, crowds poured into the streets. Shopkeeper Viviane Mbou offered the soldiers juice.

“Long live our army,” said Jordy Dikaba, a young man walking with his friends on a street lined with armored policemen.

Libreville is a stronghold of support for the opposition, but it was unclear how the coup attempt was seen in the countryside, where more people traditionally back Bongo.

The President pleaded for support in a video showing him sitting in a chair with a bookshelf behind him. He said he was detained in his residence and that his wife and son were elsewhere.

“I’m calling you to make noise, to make noise, to make noise really,” he said in English. The video was shared with The Associated Press by BTP Advisers, a communications firm that helped the president with polling for the election.

The coup leaders have said the president was under house arrest, surrounded by family and doctors.

Ossa, the opposition leader, told The AP he wasn’t ready to comment and was waiting for the situation to evolve.

“Gabon was in a midst of another electoral coup, so a coup chased another coup and the latest one has more chances of being popular, but let’s remain cautious,” said Thomas Borrel, a spokesperson for the Paris-based human rights group Survie, which advocates against France’s interventionist policies in Africa. “If a military dictatorship replaces Bongo’s dictatorship, the Gabonese population would lose again.”

The mutinous officers vowed to respect “Gabon’s commitments to the national and international community.” But the coup attempt threatened to bring the economy to a halt.

A man who answered the phone at the airport said flights were canceled Wednesday, and the private intelligence firm Ambrey said all operations at the country’s main port in Libreville had been halted, with authorities refusing to grant permission for vessels to leave. Several French companies said they were suspending operations and moving to ensure the safety of their staff.

“France condemns the military coup that is underway in Gabon and is closely monitoring developments in the country,” French government spokesperson, Olivier Veran, said Wednesday.

France has maintained close economic, diplomatic and military ties with Gabon, and has 400 soldiers stationed in the country leading a regional military training operation. The U.S. Africa Command said it has no forces stationed in the Central African nation other than at the U.S. Embassy.

Unlike Niger and two other West African countries run by military juntas, Gabon hasn’t been wracked by jihadi violence and had been seen as relatively stable.

White House National Security Council spokesman John Kirby said the events in Gabon were being followed with “great concern.” He said it was too early to call it part of a trend or a “domino effect” in military takeovers on the continent.

Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu, however, cited a “contagion of autocracy we are seeing spread across our continent,” in a statement issued by his office. It said he was conferring with other heads of state and the African Union, whose commission condemned the coup and called for a return to “democratic constitutional order.”

The European Union’s top diplomat, Josep Borrell, said Gabon would be discussed by the bloc’s ministers this week, adding that another military coup. if confirmed, would increase “instability in the whole region.”

A spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry, Wang Wenbin, called on the parties to resolve the issue peacefully.

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Macron’s Africa reset struggles to persuade

Paul Taylor is a contributing editor at POLITICO.

PARIS — The bigger the humiliation, the more grandiloquent the relaunch. 

After a year that saw French forces conducting counterinsurgency operations against jihadist rebels hounded out of Mali and Burkina Faso by military coups, anti-colonialist street protests, and Russian disinformation and mercenaries, President Emmanuel Macron announced a fundamental overhaul of France’s Africa strategy. 

“Humility,” “partnership” and “investment” are now the keywords in a reset that Macron outlined in a speech he delivered before embarking on his 18th trip to Africa in just eight years. 

Many Africans were understandably skeptical as the French president took his new doctrine on a tour of Gabon, Angola, the Republic of the Congo and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) — an eclectic mix of former French, Belgian and Portuguese colonies that have big economic potential, and are being heavily courted by Russia and China as well as Europe. 

“The days of la Françafrique are well and truly over,” Macron insisted in Gabon’s capital Libreville.  He was not the first president to promise an end to the postcolonial manipulation of African politics, with crony ties between the French elite and long-serving African autocrats.  

The French leader’s enunciation of a sea change in Franco-African ties sounded oddly like German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s proclamation of a Zeitenwende — an epochal turning point in Berlin’s policy toward Moscow since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. 

“We have reached the end of a cycle of French history in which military questions held preeminence in Africa,” Macron said, the first French president to be born after the end of colonial rule. Henceforth, “there will be no military bases as such,” but “new military partnerships” with African allies, and French forces on the continent will be focusing on training local troops. 

In a conscious effort to shed the mantle of paternalism and hard security, Macron built his four-day trip around the themes of saving African forests, developing agriculture, investing in African business and supporting a transition from fossil fuels to clean energy. He also went clubbing in Kinshasa, beer in hand, with Congolese singer Fally Ipupa. 

He steered clear of France’s traditional West African backyard, where Paris’s counterinsurgency policy suffered its deepest setbacks.

“Our destiny is tied to the African continent. If we are able to seize this chance, we have the opportunity to anchor ourselves to the continent, which will increasingly be one of the youngest and most dynamic economic markets in the world, and one of the great centers of global growth in the decades to come,” Macron said. 

He was making a virtue of necessity, to say the least.  

By shrinking its military footprint without abandoning key footholds in Senegal, Ivory Coast, Gabon and Djibouti, France hopes to avoid further forced retreats from the continent’s strategic corners. Then, referring to Russia’s Wagner mercenaries who have supplanted French forces in Mali and the Central African Republic, Macron said he was sure Africans would soon regret the paramilitary group’s presence.  

But small crowds of anti-French demonstrators in Libreville and Kinshasa were a reminder of France’s tarnished image among many young Africans, as well as accusations of political interference that dog Macron’s attempt at a new start.  

In Gabon, protesters accused the French leader of helping veteran President Ali Bongo’s reelection campaign — a charge he felt obliged to deny. And in the DRC, he faced both public criticism from President Felix Tshisekedi, as well as protests by opposition activists.  

If you’re France, in Africa, you simply can’t win. No one is going to take your professions of good faith, political neutrality, partnership and brotherly love at face value. 

Macron has arguably been the most progressive French president when it comes to Africa, officially acknowledging colonial France’s mistreatment of Algerians, and seeking an ever-elusive reconciliation. He has apologized in Rwanda for his country’s role in failing to prevent the 1994 genocide by Hutu militias against ethnic Tutsis. He has created a commission to investigate colonial massacres in Cameroon too.  

Macron has reached out to youngsters, civil society and start-ups, sometimes over the heads of African governments. He has agreed to scrap the CFA franc — the eight-nation West African currency tied to France — to be replaced by the Eco in 2027. He is the first French leader to have returned cultural treasures to Africa as well, sending a collection of statues to Benin in what is likely to set a precedent. 

Yet, though they make French nationalists’ blood boil, such gestures are too little, too late for many Africans. 

France would probably be best advised to channel its efforts instead under the more politically acceptable banner of the European Union, which is building a comprehensive partnership with the African Union — the key principles of which were outlined at a summit in Brussels in February 2022.  

As bad luck would have it, however, that budding relationship has been overshadowed by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which has monopolized the EU’s political and financial attention. 

Africans clearly see how the bloc — France included — has plowed billions of euros in military and financial assistance into Ukraine, while support for African peace and security efforts has been far more constrained. They also see how Ukraine has gained EU candidate status and been center stage at every summit, while Africa had to struggle to secure even belated help in procuring COVID-19 vaccines.  

Moreover, the war in Ukraine has added to food insecurity and an energy-price squeeze on the continent. For many Africans, Europe seems more concerned with blaming Russia than helping. 

Macron’s African reset is in many ways a halfway house — he admitted as much in his big speech. “We are held accountable for the past without having been totally convincing about the shape of our common future,” he said. 

The decision to rebrand the African bases as joint training ventures was itself reportedly a compromise between advisers who argued against yielding another inch to France’s adversaries, and others who want to shutter most outposts and refocus the armed forces on preparing for possible high-intensity warfare in Europe and the Indo-Pacific. 

While 61 percent of voters think France should stay in Africa because of its economic and security interests — as well as to help prevent mass migration to Europe — an Odoxa poll for Le Figaro showed that a similar majority is pessimistic about Franco-African ties, and doubtful of Macron’s ability to build a new relationship. 

This may not be the last Franco-African reset.



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Sub-Saharan migrants in Tunisia living in ‘climate of fear’ after surge in racist attacks

Hundreds of sub-Saharan migrants fled Tunisia on repatriation flights Saturday after a surge in racist attacks in the North African country following a controversial speech from President President Kais Saied. As tensions reach boiling point, FRANCE 24 talked to Patrick*, a Congolese student who decided to stay despite fearing for his safety.

“Right now, we are afraid to go out for a walk like we used to,” says Patrick*, a Congolese 29-year-old who arrived in Tunisia six months ago to study international business. In the past few weeks, attitudes in Tunisia have hardened towards people like him from sub-Saharan Africa. 

Sub-Saharan migrants living in the North African country have long faced racial stigma, but in the wake of comments from Tunisian President Kais Saied on February 21 tensions have reached boiling point. In a hardline speech targeting illegal immigration the president called for “urgent measures” against “hordes of illegal immigrants” coming from sub-Saharan Africa who he blamed for bringing “violence, crimes and unacceptable deeds” to Tunisia. 

Echoing the great replacement theory popular among some right-wing groups in Europe and the US, he said illegal immigration was the result of a “criminal plan … to change the demographic composition of Tunisia”. 

“The undeclared goal of the successive waves of illegal immigration is to consider Tunisia a purely African country that has no affiliation to the Arab and Islamic nations,” he added. 

Saied’s speech was condemned by the African Union, NGOs and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The latter criticised his remarks as “xenophobic, offensive and humiliating for the community of sub-Saharan migrants”.  

But, since the speech, attacks on people from sub-Saharan Africa living in Tunisia have multiplied. “I entered Tunisia legally, with my passport, to come and study,” Patrick says. “But because some people enter Tunisia illegally, people make sweeping statements that all Black people have come to take over their country.” 

According to official figures cited by the Tunisian rights group FTDES, there are around 21,000 sub-Saharan migrants in Tunisia, a country of about 12 million inhabitants. 

Partick has stopped leaving the house to avoid being targeted. “We are afraid. For the last two weeks I’ve been staying inside. I haven’t been attacked, but I’ve got friends who have been. Since the Tunisian president made his speech, there are Tunisians who are attacking Black people,” he says. 

He lives with another student who has also avoided leaving the house. The pair “make an effort” to go outside sometimes and buy food. “We stay close to home to buy bread and juice. [We only go] into small shops. That’s it.” 

‘Arbitrary attacks’ 

“There is a climate of fear. Things are very tense right now,” says Saadia Mosbah, president of M’nemty, an association working to fight against racial discrimination in Tunisia. 

In the Tunisian city of Sfax four sub-Saharan Africans were attacked with knives during the night of February 25. On the same night in the capital Tunis, four Ivorian students were attacked as they left their halls of residence, RFI reported

“People from sub-Saharan Africa are victim to arbitrary attacks,” Mosbah says, “They are being stigmatised due to the colour of their skin and, consequently, even some black Tunisians are being attacked, as happened to one of the victims in Sfax.”   

Aside from the president’s speech, Mosbah says the Tunisian Nationalist Party (le parti nationaliste tunisien), founded in 2018, has been stoking anti-migrant tensions for months through its speeches and door-to-door campaigns. 

“Militias [from the party] are patrolling the streets in Greater Tunis, Sfax and Médenine ordering landlords to turn sub-Saharan Africans out into the street. They are threatening shopkeepers with closure, legal action, fines and even prison unless they stop selling sub-Saharan Africans milk, rice and semolina,” Mosbah and psychiatrist and writer Fatma Bouvet de la Maisonneuve wrote in an open letter published on March 3 in French daily Le Monde.  

Black African migrants have been “thrown out of housing without their belongings”, says Mosbah. “There are places where houses have even been burned down and pillaged. The people we are now seeing waiting in front of their embassies don’t have a penny to their name ­– their money has been stolen.” 

‘We are afraid’ 

In an increasingly dangerous environment, sub-Saharan Africans in Tunisia have been flocking to their embassies in recent days, asking for emergency repatriation. Many are unregistered migrants and have lost their work and their accommodation overnight. 

The Ivory Coast embassy in Tunis flew home 50 nationals on March 1 – including entire families with children and babies – who had spent days camping outside the official building on mattresses and under tarps.  

On the same day around 50 Guinean migrants landed in Conakry after having fled Tunisia on the first repatriation flight after Saied’s speech. Events in Tunisia were “a senseless outpouring of hate”, one told AFP after their plane had landed. 

>> Hundreds of West African migrants flee Tunisia after President Saied’s controversial crackdown

The growing numbers of sub-Saharan Africans fleeing the country is a source of anxiety for Patrick. “We are afraid. Our sub-Saharan brothers are returning home and now, those of us who are still here, are scared that reprisals are going to fall on us if we stay.” The business student believes the international community should step in to “give a sense of security to sub-Saharans who have stayed in Tunisia”. 

But he does not want to leave, for the moment. “I came here with an objective: to study. I paid for my plane ticket to come here and I paid my school fees. I could return to my country for my safety, but I would be losing out.” 

Even so, he says: “I feel in danger. We are trying to stay optimistic. We hope that things will get better. But we are still afraid.” 

* name has been changed  

This article has been translated from the original in French. 

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