School meals in Europe: Which countries provide free food for students

A quarter of children are at risk of poverty or social exclusion in the EU. Some families have difficulties in feeding their kids. Five EU countries provide universal free school meals for at least some ages. Others mostly supply meals for the students whose families get income-related benefits.

Many children in Europe go back to school this week but some of them will be returning to their classrooms hungry. In 2022, a quarter of children in EU member states were at risk of poverty or social exclusion. 

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Free or subsidised school meals can help to make sure that children are fed and give them adequate nutrition. But the provision of free school meals in the EU varies substantially

Real wages fell in most European countries as inflation reached its highest levels in 2022. Real minimum wages also decreased in most EU member states. Low-income households are particularly struggling to cope with the resulting cost-of-living crisis.

“My brothers and I relied on free school meals,” Sadiq Khan, Mayor of London, tweeted with a photo in which he appeared with his brothers.

Almost 300,000 primary students in London will be getting free school meals throughout the 2023/24 academic year. In 2022/23 academic year, 2.16 million pupils were entitled to free school meals in England, representing 23.8% of all students, while 1.6 million infant pupils were recorded as receiving free school meals in January 2023.

In the UK, children are eligible for free school meals if they live in a household which gets income-related benefits and has an annual income of less than a particular amount. This was £7,400 (€8,650) after tax, not including welfare payments in England.

Free school meals in the EU

According to a recently published academic article entitled “Free school meals for all poor children in Europe: An important and affordable target?” by Anne-Catherine Guio of the Luxembourg Institute of Socio-Economic Research, the political priority given to providing free school meals to children in need varies significantly across the EU.

Some countries clearly prioritise such provision to all or most children, while others aim to reach children in vulnerable situations or some schools. Some pilot programmes also exist in some countries where school meals are not provided on a large scale.

By ‘full meals’, we mean school lunches – which doesn’t include breakfast clubs, school fruit or milk programmes, or sandwiches.

As of 2021, provision practices can be grouped into four categories according to research funded by the European Commission.

1. Universal free meals (at least at some ages):

Finland, Sweden and Estonia are the three EU member states providing universal free meals for all age groups.

Latvia and Lithuania provide free meals to some grade levels. One full meal per day is given for first to fourth grade students, and in some municipalities, for older students. In 2020, Lithuania began to provide free meals for pre-primary and first-grade pupils.

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2. Targeted free meals across the whole country

There are 10 EU member states which provide free meals to low-income children and other groups of children who may face disadvantages, such as children in public care and refugee children. Eligibility criteria in this group differs.

Cyprus: It is free in all-day primary schools for pupils who live in households that receive a gross minimum income, children of asylum seekers, unaccompanied migrant children, children under the guardianship of the state and children in households in which a member has a severe disability or health problem.

Czechia: It is free for low-income children aged 3-15 (receiving minimum income) if schools participate in the funding scheme.

Germany: Lunch is only provided in all-day schools, mostly subsidised. It can be reimbursed as part of the education and participation benefits of low-income households with children with basic income support for jobseekers, social assistance, asylum seekers benefits or supplementary child benefits or housing benefits.

Hungary: It is free in primary school (50% reduction in secondary school) for children receiving regular child protection benefits or in foster care.

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Luxembourg: The price depends on the household income. It is free for children living in a household receiving the minimum income or to children identified by local social offices as “experiencing precariousness or social exclusion.”

Malta: It is only free in state schools for children in low-income households; those with a student/parent/sibling suffering from a terminal illness or chronic mental health illness; students experiencing neglect due to family difficulties, domestic violence or substance abuse; and those with refugee status or asylum seeker/subsidiary temporary protection.

Portugal: The price depends on the household income. It is free for children living in a low-income household or with disabilities.

Slovakia: It is free for children living in a low-income household in primary schools and all children in the last year of preschool education.

Slovenia: It is free for children living in a low-income household.

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Spain: Provision practices vary between autonomous communities and two autonomous cities. It may be free for children living in a low-income household, children in foster care, children in a household suffering from gender-based violence, victims of terrorism, unaccompanied minors and those with disabilities.

United Kingdom: It depends on the household income.

3. Subsidised meals and/or free meals not covering the whole country

Some countries prefer to mostly target schools rather than individuals. Schools are generally selected in disadvantaged regions. There are also 10 EU member states that provide either subsidised meals and/or free meals but do not cover the whole country. They are Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Greece, France, Croatia, Ireland, Italy, Poland and Romania.

In France, the meals are free in about 50 municipalities out of 35,000. The price depends on the household income in most large towns. As part of the 2017 poverty action plan, local authorities offering a progressive price scale with price segments equal to or below €1 can benefit from a state contribution.

In Belgium, a pilot project is carried out among the French-speaking community targeted at the most disadvantaged schools at only the pre-primary level.

4. No provision

Denmark and the Netherlands do not provide free school meals.

Free school meals began in 1948 in Finland

Feeding students has a long history. Schools, charities and governments in Europe have been providing children with school meals for over a century, in various forms and for various reasons. In Finland, the provision of universal free school meals for all children attending school began in 1948.

Do children need free school meals?

There are several findings showing that some EU inhabitants need support to get proper food. In 2022, 8.3% of the EU population were unable to afford a meal containing meat, fish or a vegetarian equivalent every second day. This rate was 19.7% for people who were at risk of poverty.

More importantly, 24.7% of children in the EU were at risk of poverty or social exclusion in 2022. This ranged from 10.3% in Slovenia to 41.5% in Romania.

The UK (29.2), Italy (28.5) and France (27.4) are among the countries where the percentage of children at risk of poverty or social exclusion is higher than the EU average. This rate was 24% in Germany.

This risk was less than 14% in the Netherlands and Denmark – two countries that do not provide free school meals.

More food is consumed on Mondays

Another finding also shows the significance of free school meals. In Finland, the consumption of food at schools on Mondays can be 20% more than on other weekdays. According to Anne-Catherine Guio’s report, this may indicate that during the weekend, children in low-income families do not receive enough food.

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Joe Biden’s 2024 Menu: The Rich.

President Joe Biden on Thursday rolled out his proposed budget for fiscal 2024, an ambitious plan that would raise taxes on the rich and on corporations while expanding the social safety net. It would cut nearly $3 trillion from the federal deficit over the next decade by imposing a 25 percent minimum tax on the richest Americans. If you want to read the entire 185-page document, have at it!

Of course, it also won’t do a single bit of that, because Republicans won’t pass any of the major parts of the plan, particularly not the tax increases, but also not the social safety net parts like paid family leave, childcare, or Biden’s plan to rescue the Medicare trust fund for at least 25 years.

Not a bit of it will become law except the most routine keep-things-as-they-are parts, which will no doubt end up in yet another omnibus spending bill passed barely in time to avoid a government shutdown. If then. Oh, also, the part that increases defense spending by about 3.2 percent, to over $835 billion, will probably do just fine. But whatever defense budget eventually passes in the fall won’t be accompanied by the tax increases that would make the expenditures slightly less odious.


So why even offer a budget that’s not going to get passed by Congress? For starters, presidents have to submit a budget request in early February (traditionally by the first Monday, but everything moves slow these days) to get the process rolling, and the budget reflects the administration’s priorities, even if the opposition is able to block them. Also, let’s remember that Donald Trump’s budgets, which zeroed out entire federal agencies, were entirely exercises in rightwing fantasy. And yet somehow we still have the National Endowment for the Arts.

So sure, a federal budget is mostly aspirational, and this year, Biden’s budget serves two practical purposes: It sets out markers for where he wants his government to go in a second term (you know, if he runs), and it’s also an opening bid in the negotiations over raising the debt ceiling. Republicans say they want to cut federal spending because the deficits are too high, and Biden’s budget is over here saying “Yeah? You show me how you’d reduce the deficit by $3 trillion in 10 years, ya mooks.”

Former Obama administration official Kenneth Baer, who served in the Office of Management and Budget, explained to the Washington Post,

“As one of the people who has spent many a long night writing and editing a budget, I take umbrage at the people who say it’s a meaningless document. It’s not a meaningless document. […] It sets the terms of the debate. It shows what’s important to you, your commitments and what you really want.”

So let’s take a look at what’s in this thing and what that says about what Joe Biden wants.

The Rich Still Need To Be Eaten

Speaking at a union hall in Philadelphia yesterday, Biden emphasized that his third budget proposal is aimed at “investing in America and all of America,” because “Too many people have been left behind and treated like they’re invisible. Not anymore. I promise I see you.”

To that end, the $6.8 trillion budget plan (over 10 years) includes about $5 trillion in tax increases on the wealthiest individuals and corporations, most of which will go to cover new programs that Biden has previously put forward but that haven’t yet been enacted.

Some specific tax increase proposals may sound familiar because some of them were in the original version of Build Back Better, but were removed after Sen. Kyrsten Sinema said Donald Trump’s 2017 Big Fat Tax Cuts for Rich Fuckwads couldn’t be reversed, not even a little.

  • Raise the corporate income tax rate from 21 percent to 28 percent, which would still be lower than the 35 percent rate prior to Trump’s 2017 cuts. It would also raise the tax rate on foreign earnings from 10.5 percent to 21 percent, to reduce the incentive for companies to move operations out of the USA.
  • Repeal Trump’s tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans by returning the top marginal tax rate to 39.7 percent from the current 37 percent. This would affect taxpayers making $400,000 a year for individuals, or $450,000 married filing jointly.
  • Tax capital gains the same as income for people making over $1 million, and close the carried interest loopholefor chrissakes finally.
  • Increase the surtax on corporate stock buybacks from one percent to four percent
  • A new minimum tax on billionaires, assessing a 25 percent minimum tax on all income of the wealthiest tenth of one percent of Americans. That’s a follow-up to the minimum corporate tax that was included in last year’s Inflation Reduction Act.
  • Raise Medicare taxes on those making more than $400,000 a year, and make more types of income eligible for Medicare taxation. We detailed that plan right here. Medicare would also be able to negotiate prices on more prescription drugs sooner, creating additional savings that would go to the Medicare trust fund.

Nice Things We Need

The budget also includes some domestic programs that were good ideas when they were proposed in Build Back Better, and were still good ideas when Joe Manchin demanded they be removed from Build Back Better. A few have been downsized for the budget plan, which also adds some items that weren’t in BBB.

  • Restore the enhanced child tax credit and make it permanent. Hell yes. It markedly reduced child poverty in the US, and it’s damn near criminal that it was allowed to lapse. Also way better for America’s children than allowing them to work in meatpacking plants.
  • College affordability. The budget calls for higher maximum awards for Pell grants and for a $500 million grant program to make two years of community college free — not quite the full free community college program Biden originally ran on.
  • Universal Pre-K and affordable child care. Not quite the full programs proposed in Build Back Better, but as CNN summarizes, this would fund “a new federal-state partnership program that would provide universal, free preschool. The spending plan would also increase funding for existing federal early care and education programs.”
  • Paid family and medical leave — another big priority that still needs doing. 12 weeks of paid family and medical leave; for fuckssake let’s get this done. Yeah, in 2025 after we retake the House and expand the Senate majority.
  • More free school meals. During the pandemic, we gave every kid eat. The Biden budget would provide $15 billion to enable wider free lunches, though hey, since it’s a wish list, why not just say we want universal free school lunch? Kids learn better if they’re not hungry.
  • Make the IRA’s Obamacare subsidies permanent. The enhanced premium subsidies, which started out as part of the American Rescue Plan, have helped reduce the percentage of Americans without healthcare coverage to record lows. But they’re set to expire in 2025.
  • Reduce maternal mortality. It’s still a crisis, with far greater rates of maternal mortality for Black women than for white women. The budget calls for $471 million in funding to expand maternal health care, particularly in rural areas. It would also require all states to provide Medicaid postpartum care for 12 months instead of the current 60 days.
  • $35 per month insulin for all Americans. It was included in the IRA for folks on Social Security, so let’s make that the standard for those on private insurance or who have no insurance at all. It’s literally a matter of life or death.
  • Lower prescription drug prices for seniors. The IRA put a $2000 cap annual on out-of-pocket costs for Medicare beneficiaries (going into effect in 2025). Biden wants to further limit copays for generic prescription drugs for chronic conditions to $2.

Yes, We Still Need Climate Spending

While the Inflation Reduction Act was the biggest American investment ever in fighting the climate emergency, Biden’s budget proposal also recognizes that there’s a lot more that needs doing, so it calls for still more funding to move America closer to reaching our Paris climate agreement goals. We want to wrap this sucker up, but take a look at this CNBC piece for more details on how the budget would expand our transition to clean power and cutting carbon emissions. Among the basics:

$24 billion for climate resilience and conservation

$16.5 billion for climate science and clean energy innovation

$6.5 billion for energy storage and transmission projects

$4.5 billion for jobs building clean energy infrastructure

$3 billion for advancing adaptation finance

$1.8 billion for environmental justice initiatives

$1.2 billion for the Energy Department’s industrial decarbonization activities

Want even more info? I’m leaving a tab open with the White House fact sheet on the budget’s climate priorities, because this is what the agenda for keeping the planet habitable should look like.

So those are some darn good priorities — and a blueprint for the 2024 campaign, too.

And now, back to two years of hearings on Twitter and Hunter’s laptop. Total waste of time, but they may help make a very strong case for not letting Republicans anywhere near power again.

[2024 Budget of the US Government / WaPo / CNBC / NYT / CNBC]

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